Justplainbill's Weblog

July 23, 2014

Ben Stein: “Jew Hatred” Exists ‘in the media’, by Bill Hoffman [nc]

Ben Stein: ‘Jew Hatred’ Exists ‘in the Media’

Tuesday, 22 Jul 2014 07:30 PM

By Bill Hoffmann
Share:
Get Short Link |
Email Article |
Comment |
Contact Us |
Print
| A A
Copy Shortlink

0
inShare

The mainstream media exhibit a disturbing malice for Jews that smacks of anti-Semitism, actor, economist and commentator Ben Stein tells Newsmax TV.

“There’s just a certain amount of Jew hatred in the media, especially in the elite media, that cannot be overcome or explained away,” Stein said Tuesday on “The Steve Malzberg Show.”

Urgent: Do You Approve of Obama’s Handling of Foreign Policy? Vote Here

Story continues below video.

Note: Watch Newsmax TV now on DIRECTV Ch. 349 and DISH Ch. 223
Get Newsmax TV on your cable system – Click Here Now
“The media in this country for a very long time has been contemptuous of Jews and contemptuous of Jewish life,” Stein said.

“This was true during the Holocaust, when the media was largely controlled by old, lying, wealthy, white Protestant males, and it’s true now when it’s controlled by mostly left-wingers.”

Stein, a former speechwriter for Presidents Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford and an actor in such films as “Ghostbusters II,” said media defenders try to “pretend it’s not anti-Semitism, it’s really anti-Israel, but it’s really anti-Semitism.”

Just as upsetting is the fact that Jews themselves have key positions in today’s media, he said.

“The media likes to portray Jews as bullies and murderers and . . . it’s kind of amazing to me, because so much of the media is Jewish,” he said.

“Some of that media is very, very good. I mean, I look at people like [The Weekly Standard founder] Bill Kristol, he’s absolutely fabulous. But there’s a deep-seated self-hatred, especially [among] the New York City elite media.

“They want to show they’re not Jewish by being anti-Israel, and it’s not going to work. We know they’re Jewish and we know that they’re not being fair to their own people, but they’ll keep doing it.”

Stein said the media has unfairly slammed Israel for its military strikes against Hamas, which last week fired rockets at key Israeli cities.

“We’re supposed to think there’s something wrong with them for defending their country,” said Stein, who is also a Newsmax contributor.

“Every story about the war in Gaza should begin with ‘Hamas started it, Hamas endlessly refuses to have a ceasefire.’

“Hamas could have an incredibly prosperous and happy, peaceful partnership with Israel, and they don’t, they prefer to fight, they prefer to kill.”

Stein lashed out at Secretary of State John Kerry for his sarcastic off-camera remark about Israel’s military strike against Hamas in Gaza as “a hell of a pinpoint operation.”

“Terrible, shocking, shocking. Kerry is a perfect example of everything we have talked about, because Kerry is Jewish – ethnically,” Stein said.

“Yet he is so eager to push an image as a WASP gentile and to look down his nose on Israel. He is sort of a perfect specimen of the kind of behavior we’re talking about.”

Read Latest Breaking News from Newsmax.com http://www.newsmax.com/Newsmax-Tv/Ben-Stein-Jews-hatred-anti-Semitism/2014/07/22/id/584280#ixzz38JlJqN1Q
Urgent: Should Obamacare Be Repealed? Vote Here Now!

July 2, 2014

Precis of SCOTUS NLRB Ruling, read carefully, [c]

U.S. Supreme Court Finds President Obama Lacked the Power to Make Three Recess Appointments to the National Labor Relations Board

This Hot Topic was prepared by the ABA Section of Labor and Employment Law, Practice and Procedure Under the National Labor Relations Act (“NLRA”) Committee, with the assistance of Brian R. Garrison of Faegre Baker Daniels LLP in Indianapolis, Indiana, representing employers in labor and employment matters, and Lisa C. Demidovich of United Nurses Associations of California/Union of Health Care Professionals in San Dimas, California, representing the Union and its represented employees.

On June 26, 2014, the United States Supreme Court decided NLRB v. Noel Canning, holding that President Obama lacked the power to make three of his recess appointments to the National Labor Relations Board (“NLRB”). 573 U.S. ___ (2014). Notably, this is the first time the Supreme Court has interpreted the U.S. Constitution’s Recess Appointments Clause, Art. II, §2, cl. 3. See Slip Op. at 9.
Background

The NLRB is composed of five members and cannot issue decisions or take other actions in the absence of a valid three-member quorum. Over the course of 2011, President Obama nominated three people–Sharon Block, Terence Flynn, and Richard Griffin–to serve as members of the NLRB. Their nominations required Senate confirmation and remained pending through 2011. On December 17, 2011, the Senate adopted a resolution stating that it would take a series of brief recesses beginning the following day. Under that resolution, the Senate held pro forma sessions every Tuesday and Friday until it returned for ordinary business on January 23, 2012. During each pro forma session, the Senate would be gaveled to order and then immediately adjourned without conducting any actual business.

The Senate held one such pro forma session on January 3, 2012, which was the same day that NLRB Member Craig Becker’s term expired. This left the NLRB with only two confirmed members–Chairman Mark Gaston Pearce and Member Brian Hayes. The next day, President Obama appointed Block, Griffin, and Flynn to the NLRB, using his authority under the Recess Appointments Clause in Article II, section 2 of the U.S. Constitution. This clause provides that the President has the power “to fill up all Vacancies that may happen during the Recess of the Senate, by granting commissions which shall expire at the End of their next Session.” The President took the position that the Senate was in “recess” on January 4 within the meaning of the Recess Appointments Clause, so he had the authority to fill the three NLRB vacancies.

On February 8, 2012, after an administrative trial and an appeal to the NLRB, a three-member panel consisting of Members Hayes, Flynn, and Block found that Noel Canning–a bottler and distributor of Pepsi-Cola products based in Washington State–had violated the NLRA by refusing to reduce to writing and execute a collective-bargaining agreement with Teamsters Local 760. The NLRB ordered Noel Canning to execute the agreement and make employees whole for any loss.

Noel Canning petitioned the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit to review the NLRB’s decision. It argued that the NLRB’s order was invalid and unenforceable because the President’s January 4, 2012, appointments were unconstitutional, as they were made during a period when the Senate was not in recess. As a result, Noel Canning submitted that the NLRB did not have a valid quorum of three members when it issued its order. In response, the NLRB argued that the President’s recess appointment power is not so limited as to prevent him from making recess appointments during a recess that is a “break in the Senate’s business when it is otherwise in a continuing session.” Therefore, the NLRB argued that the President’s appointment of the NLRB members was constitutionally valid and the NLRB’s order should be enforced.
The D.C. Circuit’s Decision

On January 25, 2013, a three-member panel of the D.C. Circuit agreed with Noel Canning that the President’s recess appointments were unconstitutional. Writing for the court, Chief Judge David Sentelle found that the appointments fell outside the scope of the Recess Appointments Clause for two reasons. First, the D.C. Circuit unanimously found that the phrase “the Recess of the Senate” does not include “intra-session” recesses–those that occur within a formal session of Congress–and applies only to “inter-session” recesses–those that occur between such sessions when a return date is not set. Therefore, as the Senate was holding pro forma sessions at the time of the President’s January 4, 2012, NLRB appointments, they were not made during an inter-session recess. Second, the D.C. Circuit found, by a 2-1 vote, that the vacancies filled by the President’s recess appointments did not “happen” during “the Recess” as required by the Recess Appointments Clause. As the NLRB vacancies existed at the time the “recess” began and did not arise during the Senate’s recess, the majority concluded that they did not “happen” during the “recess” so could not be filled pursuant to the Recess Appointments Clause. Consequently, the D.C. Circuit concluded that the NLRB lacked a quorum of validly appointed members when it issued its order in the Noel Canning case, so that order was invalid and unenforceable.
Supreme Court Proceedings

On April 25, 2013, the NLRB petitioned the United States Supreme Court for a writ of certiorari. Noel Canning did not oppose certiorari. The Supreme Court granted certiorari on June 24, 2013, and heard oral arguments on January 13, 2014.

The Supreme Court’s Ruling

Justice Breyer delivered the Court’s decision unanimously affirming the D.C. Circuit’s decision that the Recess Appointments Clause does not give the President authority to make the three challenged appointments to the NLRB. NLRB v. Noel Canning, No. 12-1281, Slip Op. at 1 & 41 (U.S. June 26, 2014). The majority opinion, joined by Justices Kennedy, Ginsburg, Sotomayor and Kagan, rejected the reasoning of the lower court in its “first time in more than 200 years” call to interpret the Recess Appointments Clause. Id. at 9 & 41. With three of the five NLRB members’ appointments invalidated, the Court found the Board lacked a quorum and set aside its order. Id. at 2-5 & 41. Justice Scalia, joined by Chief Justice Roberts and Justices Thomas and Alito, filed a concurring opinion.

The Opinion, rich in historical references, recognized that the issue of first impression has been extensively considered by the Executive Branch as “Presidents have made recess appointments since the beginning of the Republic.” Id. at 8.

The first aspect of the Recess Appointments Clause the Court examined was whether it applied to intra-session recesses in addition to undisputed inter-session recesses and concluded–contrary to the D.C. Circuit–that the Clause applies to both kinds of recess so long as the intra-session recess was for more than ten days. Id. at 1 & 9-21. Historically, “Presidents have made thousands of intra-session recess appointments,” likely because “opinions of Presidential legal advisers . . . are nearly unanimous in determining that the Clause authorizes these [intra-session] appointments.” Id. at 12. While all Justices agreed the President may make recess appointments during any break–“no matter how short”–between sessions, compare id. at 19 with Concurrence Slip Op. at 15 n.4, the majority found that an intra-session recess “of more than 3 days but less than 10 days is presumptively too short to fall within the Clause,” except for “a national catastrophe,” preventing the Senate from reconvening to approve the President’s needed recess appointments to address the emergent situation. Slip Op. at 21.

The Court next examined whether the Clause covered “vacancies that arise prior to a recess but continue to exist during the recess” or whether the power was limited to “vacancies that first come into existence during a recess,” and concluded–again contrary to the D.C. Circuit–that the Clause applies to both kinds of vacancy. Id. at 1-2 & 21-33. Again, relying on history, the Court noted that Presidents, dating back to at least President James Madison and including “every President since James Buchanan,” have made recess appointments to pre-recess vacancies. Id. at 26-29. The Court noted Presidents would not likely abuse this power because of limitations on recess appointments, such as they serve “a limited term” and they may have more difficulty tackling controversial issues without the credibility commensurate with Senate approval. Id. at 25.

The Court’s final consideration was whether pro forma sessions where no business was transacted could be excluded when calculating the length of the recess. It concluded that the pro forma sessions could not be ignored and break up a recess where the Senate “retain[ed] the capacity to transact Senate business,” “received a message from the President,” and actually “passed a bill by unanimous consent during the second pro forma session after its [initial] adjournment.” Slip Op. at 2 & 33-40. Because of the pro forma session every Tuesday and Friday during the recess at issue here, the President’s three NLRB recess appointments occurred during a three-day recess, which is “too short a time to bring a recess within the scope of the Clause.” Id. at 2.

The Concurrence

Concurring in “judgment only,” Justice Scalia criticized the majority opinion for “transform[ing] the recess-appointment power from a tool carefully designed to fill a narrow and specific need into a weapon to be wielded by future Presidents against future Senates.” Concurring Op. at 2. Instead, Justice Scalia, just as the D.C. Circuit held, would have limited the Recess Appointments Clause to inter-session recesses and to “offices that become vacant during the intermission.” Id. at 1-2. Justice Scalia concludes his opinion by offering alternative speculations of the import of the majority’s opinion: Either the Senate may seek to “avoid triggering the President’s now-vast recess-appointment power by the odd contrivance of never adjourning for more than three days without holding a pro forma session at which it is understood that no business will be conducted” or “[m]embers of the President’s party in Congress may be able to prevent the senate from holding pro forma sessions with the necessary frequency, and if the House and Senate disagree, the President may be able to adjourn both ‘to such Time as he shall think proper.'” Id. at 62 (quoting U.S. Const., Art. II, §3).
Implications

Management Perspective

The Noel Canning decision calls into question every official action taken by the NLRB during the terms of its unconstitutionally appointed Members. This means all the NLRB’s actions between January 4, 2012 and August 2, 2013–which includes issuing over 700 decisions and appointing several Regional Directors–are likely invalid. The NLRB now must revisit and reconsider all the invalid decisions that return to it. It is likely that the parties to many of these cases have already complied with the NLRB’s order or otherwise resolved their disputes, which may render the underlying issues moot. For those cases that have not been resolved and return to the NLRB, the NLRB will have to review each of these cases as new decisions and reissue decisions after this review, just as it did after the Supreme Court’s 2010 New Process Steel decision. As happened after New Process Steel, the NLRB will likely reconsider and reaffirm its decision in most, if not all, of these cases. But that may take substantial time, as many of the invalidated decisions were high-profile cases in which the decisions departed from NLRB precedent and had significant implications for employers. They are much different from the decisions invalidated by New Process Steel, which were issued in cases where a two-member NLRB, with one Democratic Member and one Republican Member, could find consensus. So, while it is unclear what will happen in the decisions invalidated by Noel Canning and in current cases the General Counsel’s office is prosecuting based on those decisions, employers are wise to take guidance from them. On the other hand, the likely invalidation of the NLRB’s Regional Director appointments poses a thornier issue, as its consequences may extend beyond the need to merely revisit cases and reissue decisions. Employers may challenge as invalid a variety of decisions made and actions taken by those Regional Directors since their appointments, such as those related to determining the appropriate bargaining unit, ruling on election objections, and certifying election results in union representation cases.

In conclusion, due to the time necessary for the NLRB to revisit the invalid decisions, Noel Canning will likely bog down the NLRB and inhibit its ability to proceed as planned on the other cases and issues currently before it. This means it will likely take some time before the NLRB takes action on two fronts of significant concern for employers: finalizing new rules to expedite representation election procedures and issuing decisions in cases in which the NLRB has invited amicus briefs (such as Purple Communications, Inc., which addresses employees’ right to use an employer’s email system for activity unrelated to the employee’s business purposes, and Browning-Ferris Industries, which addresses the NLRB’s joint employer standard). Due to Noel Canning and the NLRB’s obligation to continue addressing other pending cases, it may not get around to these two significant issues until after December 16, 2014, when Member Nancy Schiffer’s term ends. That would mean that instead of a Democratic majority, the NLRB would have two Democratic and two Republican members. While lawfully able to operate, the lack of Democratic control would mean uncertainty for the cases and issues pending before the NLRB at that time. And depending on the results of the November 2014 elections, a Republican-controlled Senate may significantly limit the President’s ability to make a recess appointment upon Member Schiffer’s departure. At bottom, during the period while the uncertainty caused by Noel Canning is resolved, employers should work closely with labor counsel when making strategic decisions on how to proceed before the NLRB.

Union Perspective

Subsequent events–namely the Senate rules change to allow for the President’s Executive Branch appointments to be confirmed by a Senate majority and the Senate’s confirmation of the NLRB General Counsel and five board members–have circumscribed the continuing impact and scope of the Court’s holding on NLRB decisions. The greatest effect of the Court’s ruling on labor will be the decisions that were decided by former Members Block, Flynn, and Griffin where the unsuccessful party sought review on the basis that their appointments were invalid, but unions are optimistic that the NLRB–having experience with reconsideration after the Court’s 2010 invalidation of the Agency’s delegation of power to a two-member board in New Process Steel v. NLRB, 560 U.S. 674 (2010)–will handle those pending cases expeditiously and effectively to ensure the NLRA’s purposes are effectuated.

[This is from the ABA LEL section, of which I am a member. Read this carefully, noting the arbitrary 10 rule, and that there are several different opinions involved. Different opinions means that although they all agree on the outcome, they all DISAGREE on WHY. In future rulings, courts and lawyers will point to different opinions, claiming that they were unanimous, which they obviously are NOT. Everyone needs to read this carefully because of the potential impact this case will have in the future. Good outcome, very bad decision making.]

April 23, 2014

the other shoe just dropped, by Simon Black, no comment

The Next Shoe Just Dropped: Court Denies Attorney-Client Privilege
Tyler Durden’s picture
Submitted by Tyler Durden on 04/19/2014 22:14 -0400

None

inShare21

Submitted by Simon Black via Sovereign Man blog,

In the Land of the Free, people grow up hearing a lot of things about their freedom.

You’re told that you live in the freest country on the planet. You’re told that other nations ‘hate you’ for your freedom.

And you’re told that you have the most open and fair justice system in the world.

This justice system is supposedly founded on bedrock principles– things like a defendant being presumed innocent until proven guilty. The right to due process and an impartial hearing. The right to counsel and attorney-client privilege.

Yet each of these core pillars has been systematically dismantled over the years:

1. So that it can operate with impunity outside of the law, the federal government has set up its own secret FISA courts to rubber stamp NSA surveillance.

According to data obtained by the Electronic Privacy Information Center, of the nearly 34,000 surveillance requests made to FISA courts in the last 35-years, only ELEVEN have been rejected.

Unsurprising given that FISA courts only hear the case from the government’s perspective. It is literally a one-sided argument in FISA courts. Hardly an impartial hearing, no?

2. The concept of ‘innocent until proven guilty’ may officially exist in courts, but administratively it was thrown out long ago.

These days there are hundreds of local, state, and federal agencies that can confiscate your assets, levy your bank account, and freeze you out of your life’s savings. None of this requires a court order.

By the time a case goes to court, you have been deprived of the resources you need to defend yourself. You might technically be presumed innocent, but you have been treated and punished like a criminal from day one.

3. Attorney-Client privilege is a long-standing legal concept which ensures that communication between an attorney and his/her client is completely private.

In Upjohn vs. the United States, the Supreme Court itself upheld attorney-client privilege as necessary “to encourage full and frank communication between attorneys and their clients and thereby promote broader public interests in the observance of law. . .”

It doesn’t matter what you’re accused of– theft. treason. triple homicide. With very limited exceptions, an attorney cannot be compelled to testify against a client, nor can their communications be subpoenaed for evidence.

Yet in a United States Tax Court decision announced on Wednesday, the court dismissed attorney client privilege, stating that:

“When a person puts into issue his subjective intent in deciding how to comply with the law, he may forfeit the privilege afforded attorney-client communications.”

In other words, if a person works with legal counsel within the confines of the tax code to legitimately minimize the amount of taxes owed, that communication is no longer protected by attorney-client privilege.

Furthermore, the ruling states that if the individuals do not submit attorney-client documentation as required, then the court would prohibit them from introducing any evidence to demonstrate their innocence.

Unbelievable.

While it’s true that attorney-client privilege has long been assailed in numerous court cases (especially with regards to tax matters), this decision sets the most dangerous precedent yet.

With this ruling, government now has carte blanche to set aside long-standing legal protections and even deny a human being even the chance to defend himself.

Naturally, you won’t hear a word about this in the mainstream media.

But it certainly begs the question, what’s the point of even having a trial? Or a constitution?

When every right and protection you have can be disregarded in their sole discretion, one really has to wonder how anyone can call it a ‘free country’ any more.

February 11, 2014

The Health Care Hoax

The Health Care Hoax
Posted: 12 February 2014

Let’s put national health care in its historical perspective, and then consider the truth of the matter.

For our purposes, we will ignore the rest of the world, not bring too far forward how the NHS in the UK dictates their internal politics and is ration driven, nor how in Canada they flood to the US for care, nor how they invade the US from Mexico to get social services of all kinds.

We will start in 1950.

As noted elsewhere, everything is connected, just not in the ‘butterfly effect’ that a small number of physicists and mathematicians think.

Prior to 1950, health care was the responsibility of the individual. The medical profession was regulated in the same manner as other special service businesses, most notably lawyers, accountants, and bankers. Doctors, lawyers, and barbers had to take proficiency exams before they could charge for their services and were held accountable for their actions, not only through Tort Law, but through internal policing, and self-defense by buying liability insurance. They attended specialized schools, with specialized educations and fields of study. Funding of health care was primarily in the form of direct payment for services, with a small, expanding, insurance segment.

In the 1950’s, the failure of The Federal Government to overhaul the income tax code, led to unions negotiating for benefits, rather than wages. This change in direction was a direct result of FDR’s Transnational Policies. Government had decided that income would be taxed in the unfair step-rate method. Those whose incomes where under $10,000 would not be taxed. Union wages, and thus first line supervisors and then up the entire corporate chain of command got compensation increases. Through negotiation, post WW II labor shortages, and an aggressively growing US economy, people found their wages entering the taxable income levels. In order to reduce the impact on blue collar and first level white collar workers, benefits were, as a matter of law, decided to not be income , and thus, non-taxable. Before the expansion of health care as a benefit of employment, and therefore, the insurance industry, the individual had to pay for medical services either out of pocket, or by paying for his own insurance, again, out of pocket.

The consumer of health care knew AND FELT, the direct costs of medical care. (For purposes of clarity, simplicity, and understanding, we’ll gloss over technological –pharmaceutical advances in the field, which, in and of themselves, are a significant factor in driving up costs.)

The individual needed cash in hand to visit the doctor.

The individual needed cash in hand to have the doctor make a house call.

The individual often looked to alternative, less expensive, care options. One got a mid-wife to deliver ones’ child. One had the child born at home, not in a specialized and expensive ‘birthing facility’.

The individual knew what he was paying for when he got it, and got what he was paying for and, in many instances, was getting more than he was paying for, the medical profession being very altruistic and actually believing in the Hippocratic Oath.

Almost all peaking of health care expenses have been caused by the interference of the Federal Government.

As noted, with Federal Labor Laws and the Internal Revenue Code impacting employment compensation, health care became an area of national interest. While employers and employees were working out a viable adaptation of this into their business models , left wing idealists were actually looking to create a capitalistic style economic safety net. Enter Camelot Jack and LBJ.

Jack was controlled by a GOP congress. Even so, he got us started in Viet Nam, failed us with Cuba, killed “The Monroe Doctrine” , but was persuaded to leave the domestic economy alone. Benefits packages became traditional in a very short time, and expected to expand as a method of tax avoidance.

LBJ, wanting to be more left than Camelot, with a Democratic Party controlled congress, got Medicare passed. Medicare is the first, direct, and most damaging of government intervention in health care spiking costs to levels that we will never be able to go back to.

Medicare provided our second, federally enforced, Ponzi scheme. Medicare, through the HCFA payroll tax, takes money from employees and employers, to pay for, AT NON-MARKET, BUREAUCRATICALLY DISCOUNTED FIXED RATES, health care for those over 65. There is NO negotiation for these rates, and facilities must meet government fixed standards. The actual cost of Medicare services has not, in Medicare’s history, ever met the actual cost of the services provided. Health care providers, and insurance companies, have simply allowed those unpaid costs to be integrated into insurance premiums.

This is the first, huge and unrealistic spike in health care costs; not caused by technological –pharmaceutical advances; NOT caused by an increase in wages to doctors and nurses; & NOT caused by a surge in facilities’ expenses.

A decade later comes the next huge spike, again caused by federal intervention.

HIPAA.

Except in few jurisdictions, those applying for a marriage license must get blood tests. These tests are not for DNA incompatibility, they are a check for venereal diseases being harbored in the applicant’s body. These tests are carried out by state law, under state constitutions, authorized by each state’s right to protect the health and welfare of its citizens. This is NOT a federal issue, however ….

With the expansion of “civil rights” well beyond that intended by the founders , or even by most US citizens, sexual preferences have been designated as constitutionally protected civil rights. In order to protect the reputations of people with HIV/Aids, HIPAA created a situation that so altered the medical care delivery system, that this political agenda and group preferential treatment, again unrelated to actual medical services, had caused billions of dollars to be spent to reconfigure the physical facilities of the system.

Prior to HIPAA, wards and semi-private rooms existed in hospitals, emergency rooms, and clinics. Wards, where groups of people could be treated using economy of scale to keep down costs, disappeared. Where one ward could treat 20 people, with a small group lavatory, where one main line could feed oxygen or other gases to patients, where one physician making rounds could visit 9 patients in an hour as opposed to 2, where nurses could be physically on hand for all circumstances .

Here are only some of the physical costs. A complete lavatory per room instead of a group lavatory, LIKE THE ONE THAT YOU HAVE AT WORK OR AT A RESTAURANT! Expanded physical space, the hospital building needing to expand the walls, ceilings, floors, electrical wiring, plumbing, elevators, &c, at what cost? Buying land to build on. Telephones, corridors, laundries, visitation space, &c. absolutely none of these things enhancing the delivery of services, but now required by federal law!

The Emergency Room Access Act, another federal law, requiring that, regardless of condition, legal right, criminal status, or ability to pay, everyone, in any and all conditions, who presents at an emergency room, must be treated and may not be released until the presenting condition has been “stabilized”. This, as argued prior to the enactment of this legislation, simply made Emergency Rooms, the clinic of choice for the uninsured, the illegal, and the criminal. This created an economic crisis in the delivery of emergency care.

And now, The Affordable Care Act, which, according to all realistic estimates and CBO reports, will increase costs across the board, while at the same time, significantly lowering standards of care and rationing care in the same fashion as in Europe!

Consider: before The Affordable Care Act, everyone physically in the US, had free access to premium, personal health care, REGARDLESS OF ABILITY TO PAY!!!

Consider: before The Affordable Care Act, over 40% of all hospital beds, were being provided by charitable institutions, e.g., The Sisters of Carondelet (Roman Catholic), Long Island Jewish Hospital (B’Nai B’Rith), Shawnee Mission Medical Center (Seventh Day Adventists), St. Luke’s Health System (Episcopalian), &c., whose whole purpose is charitable giving, charity health care, and at no cost to taxpayers.

St. Jude’s doesn’t charge; Children’s Mercy Kansas City doesn’t charge; Cornell Medical Center doesn’t charge; KU Med doesn’t charge, &c. They are pleased to take insurance payments if the patient has insurance, but admission is not based on ability to pay.

Need I go into the constitutionality of it? It isn’t!

Footnotes:
I could easily go into how FDR created the extended US economic depression through his keeping the US Dollar pegged to gold when economists were telling him not to and his Euro-Centric monetary policy, and other anti-US policies of his, but there’s a whole section in “The Albany Plan Re-Visited” about this.
Tangentially, this has led to the pension problem, most particularly how it has killed the US auto industry through the inability to fund UAW pensions, and the bankruptcy of Detroit, and soon of Illinois and California.
Another point not needed here: Tort Reform and the needed additional education, and its inherent expense, that doctors need to understand and use the advancing technologies.
Ok, it’s the 50’s. This model predated globalization and the fierce competition in labor costs currently impacting us. For the moment, we are only dealing with a portion of the entire problem of utopian government failure.
Yah, another area we’ll gloss over. Just suffice it to say that in exchange for the USSR removing inoperable missiles from Cuba, Camelot Jack promised that the US would no longer take any military action against anything going on in the Western Hemisphere, and guaranteed the territorial integrity of Cuba.
Avoidance, not evasion: Avoidance is every citizen’s duty, evasion is a felony.
I have litigated extensively in this area; I know whereof I speak in detail.
And, one must consider that 90% of ones’ total medical costs come in the last one year of ones’ life. Pause for effect: yupper, this means that by unconstitutional government fiat, 90% of almost all medical costs of ones’ life had just been shifted from the individual, to the taxpayer! AND, worse yet, these are at an unrealistic discount!
Two direct points here: a quick survey of the writings of the founders shows both health care and sexual preferences to be areas of life from which the federal government was specifically excluded; and two, the founders included Article V, again in both “The Federalist Papers” and in “The Anti-Federalist Papers”, as a method of allowing THE TAX PAYING CITIZENS, to amend The Constitution, to specifically deal with such issues. As an aside, they did consider giving this power to The Supreme Court, and rejected it. Something that CJ Marshall decided on his own to change.
Compare that to the current facility where a nurses’ station is located yards down the hall from the patient’s room. If the nurse is busy in room 3 and the patient in room 1 pushes her emergency button, which lights up the previously un-needed red bulb over the patient’s exterior door, how is she to know that the patient in room 1 is in need? What if this need is a critical need? The heart monitor beeping flat line, but the nurse so out of position that she will never know until the patient in room 1 has passed.
While running for president in 2008, Hillary Clinton stated in an interview that the cost of the uninsured to the insured was $800 per premium/ individual covered by private insurance. Compare that to the CBO $2,500 – $7,500 estimate of premium increase under “The Affordable Care Act”.
A known to me true example is that of the Multiple Sclerosis sufferer, unfortunately no celebrity like Michael J. Fox has chosen this disease to become the spox for, but, Avonex, Beta-Seron, and Ampyra, are now on the questionable list for Rx. The first two are anti-cancer drugs, the last a muscle treatment which allows a sufferer to actually lift one’s legs and walk without falling, stumbling, or collapsing.
Although the unconstitutionality of it is posted elsewhere on this blog, y’all must consider the very simple fact that The Federal Government, under this constitution, does not have the authority to force someone to buy something, nor to force an employer to pay for something, that they do not want. (I have pointed out elsewhere how CJ Robert’s ruling is corrupt and unconstitutional on its face, posted elsewhere on this blog.)

[Addenda: received the following email, its self-explanatory, on 27 March 14 :

I Think SHE IS PISSED!

I don’t think ‘pissed’ really covers it!!!!

Alan Simpson, the Senator from Wyoming , calls senior citizens the ‘Greediest Generation’ as he compared “Social Security” to a Milk Cow with 310 million teats.

Here’s a response in a letter from PATTY MYERS in Montana … I think she is a little ticked off! She also tells it like it is!

………………………………………………………………………………

“Hey, Alan, let’s get a few things straight!!!!!

1. As a career politician,

you have been on the public dole (tit) for FIFTY YEARS.

2. I have been paying Social Security taxes for 48 YEARS (since I was 15 years old. I am now 63).

3. My Social Security payments, and those of millions of other Americans, were safely tucked away in ‘an interest bearing account’ for decades until you political pukes decided to raid the account and give OUR money to a bunch of losers in return for votes , thus bankrupting the system and turning Social Security into a Ponzi scheme that would make Bernie Madoff proud.

4. Recently, just like Lucy and Charlie Brown, you and “your ilk” pulled the proverbial football away from millions of American seniors nearing retirement and moved the goalposts for full retirement from age 65 to age, 67. NOW, you and your “shill commission” are proposing to move the goalposts YET AGAIN .

5. I, and millions of other Americans, have been paying into Medicare from day one, and now

“you” propose to change the rules of the game. Why? Because “you” mismanaged other parts of the economy to such an extent that you need to steal our money from Medicare to pay the bills.

6. I, and millions of other Americans, have been paying income taxes our entire lives, and now you propose to increase our taxes yet again. Why? Because you “incompetents” spent our money so profligately that you just kept on spending even after you ran out of money. Now, you come to the American taxpayers and say you need more to pay off YOUR debt.

7.To add insult to injury, you label us “greedy” for calling “bullshit” to your incompetence . Well, Captain Bullshit , I have a few questions for YOU:

1. How much money have you earned from the American taxpayers during your pathetic 50-year political career?

2. At what age did you retire from your pathetic political career, and how much are you receiving in annual retirement benefits from the American taxpayers?

3. How much do you pay for YOUR government provided health insurance?

4. What cuts in YOUR retirement and healthcare benefits are you proposing in your disgusting deficit reduction proposal, or as usual, have you exempted yourself and your political cronies?

It is you, Captain Bullshit , and your political co-conspirators called Congress who are the

“greedy” ones. It is you and your fellow thieves who have bankrupted America and stolen the American dream from millions of loyal, patriotic taxpayers. And for what? Votes, your job and retirement security at our expense, you leech.

That’s right, sir. You and yours have bankrupted America for the sole purpose of advancing

your political careers. You know it, we know it, and you know that we know it.

And you can take that to the bank you miserable son of a bitch .

NO, I did not stutter.

P.S. And stop calling Social Security benefits “entitlements”. WHAT AN INSULT!!!!

I have been paying in to the SS system for 45 years. It’s my money-give it back to me the way the system was designed and stop patting yourself on the back like you are being generous by doling out these monthly checks.

EVERYONE!!!

If you like the way things are in America delete this.

If you agree with what a Montana citizen, Patty Myers, says, please PASS IT ON]

January 28, 2014

Income Inequality

Income Equality
Posted: 29 January 2014
First things first: being fluent in the English Language, income equality, means that we all get paid the same regardless of our productivity. If that is true, and it is, what is the purpose of pushing for income equality?

Next, the reason that people are paid a “minimum wage” is because these people have MINIMUM SKILLS or NO SKILLS AT ALL. Need I say more?

As far as an Executive Order requiring that all businesses that contract with The Federal Government must pay a federal minimum wage dictated in this order, this is meaningless for several reasons.
The first reason that this is irrelevant is that all federal contractors must pay The Prevailing Wage of the area where they are working. This is a fix for unions. The Prevailing Wage is NOT the average wage of the area. It is The Union Wage for that area, whether or not there are any unions there! This means that if there are no unions with which to compare compensation packages, a federal bureaucrat may arbitrarily fix them. Usually a contractor simply puts this fixed wage in the contract bid or states that he is paying the prevailing wage and has an appendix to demonstrate same.
The second reason is that all federal contracts have quotas for minority businesses. Minimum wage is not a factor for this as all minority businesses eligible for federal contracts are registered and monitored by the bureaucracy and is already in compliance with union prevailing wages.
The third reason is the one that everyone, especially the arrogant and ignorant lame-stream media, ignores. It is that Article II of the United States Constitution does NOT give the president the authority to set wages for anyone. It is a function of the congress to set federal wages, of which there are over a dozen different pay scales, and no authority whatsoever for the president to set a pay scale in the private sector.

What does this action tell you? Is this more diversion from the failed and unconstitutional Affordable Care Act? Diversion from the IRS Scandal? Diversion from the Fast & Furious Scandal? Diversion from the NSA Scandal? Diversion from the failed Border Security? Diversion from the failed Taliban War in Afghanistan? Diversion from the Benghazi Scandal? Diversion from Holder’s failure to prosecute the criminal sheriff in Noxubee County MS? And, how many scandals can you add?
Or is this simply another step toward a Marxist Industrial-Feudalism, with Hillary as the heir apparent?

November 8, 2013

More Economics

I had a run-in with a Keynesian. I’m tired of the ignorance of this group, so here’s some thought provoking economic issues and why Keynes does NOT work.

First, in historical context, Keynes was Lloyd-George’s economic adviser at the 1919 Paris Peace Talks. That’s right, Keynes’ economic data base consisted only of the years 1860 through 1919. He was educated during the XIXth century, and at the height of economic success, over 60% of the industrial world’s population STILL LIVED ON FARMS!

Next is to consider that Marxism equated to Bolshevism, not any kind of democratic or free market economy back then.

Next is the fact that at this time, economists still followed, Locke, Smith, Metternich, and Victoria, for their economic theories and the governments within which they worked. This means that for capitalism to be successful, there had to be a large, but not as large as farm, and dirt cheap, labor source.

Keynes developed his theories before there was electricity, cars, telephones, computers, Ford assembly lines, and just about everything that is now around you. Even Africa has electricity and nearly 100% cell phone coverage, for all of its poverty.

From the historical perspective of 2011, I wrote in “The Albany Plan Re-Visited”, that, noting that Iceland was patient zero in the 2008 Financial Collapse, that the negative nature of all recessions and depressions, could be easily quantifiable by determining the percentage of GGP (Gross Global Product) dedicated to easy credit and central government syphoning of capital into welfare programs. The looser the credit, as shown in Cohan’s “House of Cards”, pp 293 – 333, coupled to the waste of tax dollars, determines both the size and depth of the following recession/ depression.

For bases, read von Mises, Hazlett, and Sowell. Quantitative Easing is theft of value from wealth producers! I’d rather have 3 dollars when bread is 1 dollar a loaf, than 5 dollars when bread is 5 dollars a loaf!

August 28, 2013

Dr. Plimer on “Climate Change”

I was vilified for my climate post, not being a Ph.D., so, here’s what someone who actually is a Ph.D., in the field, and who makes a living on knowing about climate change:

author’s credentials:

Ian Rutherford Plimer is an Australian geologist, professor emeritus of earth sciences at the University of Melbourne, professor of mining geology at the University of Adelaide, and the director of multiple mineral exploration and mining companies. He has published 130 scientific papers, six books and edited the Encyclopedia of Geology.

Born

12 February 1946 (age 67)

Residence

Australia

Nationality

Australian

Fields

Earth Science, Geology, Mining Engineering

Institutions

University of New England,University of Newcastle,University of Melbourne,University of Adelaide

Alma mater

University of New South Wales,Macquarie University

Thesis

The pipe deposits of tungsten-molybdenum-bismuth in eastern Australia (1976)

Notable awards

Eureka Prize (1995, 2002),Centenary Medal (2003), Clarke Medal (2004)

Where Does the Carbon Dioxide Really Come From?

Professor Ian Plimer could not have said it better!
If you’ve read his book you will agree, this is a good summary.

PLIMER: “Okay, here’s the bombshell. The volcanic eruption in Iceland . Since its first spewing of volcanic ash has, in just FOUR DAYS, NEGATED EVERY SINGLE EFFORT you have made in the past five years to control CO2 emissions on our planet – all of you.

Of course, you know about this evil carbon dioxide that we are trying to suppress – it’s that vital chemical compound that every plant requires to live and grow and to synthesize into oxygen for us humans and all animal life.

I know….it’s very disheartening to realize that all of the carbon emission savings you have accomplished while suffering the inconvenience and expense of driving Prius hybrids, buying fabric grocery bags, sitting up till midnight to finish your kids “The Green Revolution” science project, throwing out all of
Your non-green cleaning supplies, using only two squares of toilet paper, putting a brick in your toilet tank reservoir, selling your SUV and speedboat, vacationing at home instead of abroad,
Nearly getting hit every day on your bicycle, replacing all of your 50 cent light bulbs with $10.00 light bulbs…..well, all of those things you have done have all gone down the tubes in just four days.

The volcanic ash emitted into the Earth’s atmosphere in just four days – yes, FOUR DAYS – by that volcano in Iceland has totally erased every single effort you have made to reduce the evil beast, carbon. And there are around 200 active volcanoes on the planet spewing out this crud at any one time – EVERY DAY.

I don’t really want to rain on your parade too much, but I should mention that when the volcano Mt Pinatubo erupted in the Philippines in 1991, it spewed out more greenhouse gases into the atmosphere than the entire human race had emitted in all its years on earth.

Yes, folks, Mt Pinatubo was active for over
One year – think about it.

Of course, I shouldn’t spoil this ‘touchy-feely tree-hugging’ moment and mention the effect of solar and cosmic activity and the well-recognized 800-year global heating and cooling cycle, which
Keeps happening despite our completely insignificant efforts to affect climate change.

And I do wish I had a silver lining to this volcanic ash cloud, but the fact of the matter is that the bush fire season across the western USA and Australia this year alone will negate your efforts to reduce carbon in our world for the next two to three years. And it happens every year.

Just remember that your government just tried to impose a whopping carbon tax on you, on the basis of the bogus ‘human-caused’ climate-change scenario.

Hey, isn’t it interesting how they don’t mention ‘Global Warming’
Anymore, but just ‘Climate Change’ – you know why?

It’s because the planet has COOLED by 0.7 degrees in the past century and these global warming bull artists got caught with their pants down.

And, just keep in mind that you might yet have an Emissions Trading Scheme – that whopping new tax – imposed on you that will achieve absolutely nothing except make you poorer.

It won’t stop any volcanoes from erupting, that’s for sure.

But, hey, relax……give the world a hug and have a nice day!”

August 19, 2013

The Disconnect

Filed under: Political Commentary — Tags: , , , , , , , — justplainbill @ 3:33 pm

The Disconnect (19 Aug 13)

So, I got a call from Arbitron asking me to take their survey on what did I watch on TV yesterday, and what did I listen to on the radio. I answered all of the young lady’s questions without a problem until we got to the demographics section.

In order to be accurate, she said, she needed to know my ethnic background. She read off her available choices, to which I responded, “American”, and to which her response was, she did not have that choice, was I or was I not, and she went through her list again. When I repeated, “I’m an American”, she told me that she could not enter that, and that if I refused to answer, my survey was incomplete and could not then be used, so my viewing preferences would not be entered into her statistics.

So, Americans are not part of the corporate statistical universe. What does that tell you of AMERICA TODAY?

BTW, I repeated, “American”, to which she said, “Thank you,” and politely hung up the phone.

August 18, 2013

Mark Levin is part of the problem

Filed under: Political Commentary — Tags: , , , , , , , , — justplainbill @ 7:08 pm

Mark Levin is part of the problem

 

I caught the open audience broadcast of Sean Hannity (Friday, 16 Aug 13 FOXNews) and found myself in the unhappy position of talking back to the TV. First things first, back in 2007, a little recognized, strongly vilified book, The Heartland Plan, was published. Succinctly, it says most of what Levin says in The Liberty Amendments, but covers more and offers more, and in my personal opinion, a much better solution than Levin, Hannity, and other non-hackers (a non-hacker is someone who has never served in the military, it is not a pejorative, simply a blue-collar expression denoting that a set of important and unique personal experiences is lacking in an individual). Their source materials are the same, only the conclusions are different.

 

One of many points missed by Levin & Friends, is that the founders limited the voting franchise to those males who paid taxes, which included free blacks, thus, only about 10% of the population voted. The Heartland Plan predicted Obama-Soetoro and the completion of Roosevelt-Wilson’s post-constitutional America. For those interested, The Just Plain Bill podcast show, archives available at www.blogtalkradio.com/justplainbillshow, used much of the material in The Heartland Plan during its limited lifetime. One of its May 2009 shows is worth listening to several times as it clearly and concisely explains business and business’s place in the economy.

 

In 2013, a follow-up to The Heartland Plan was published. The Albany Plan Re-Visited, available at www.bn.com/ebooks, it projects the devastating effects of the Obama Administration, and offers a viable solution to many of the current problems. One of them is, again Levin & Friends ignore it, that there is no difference between the Democrats and Republicans. The Tea Party does not have a philosophical core as evidenced by their lack of a written charter, and absence of a manifesto. The Albany Plan Re-Visited, includes instructions for a viable third party, Whigs, a reincarnation of the moderate party of the 1840’s & 1850’s, which would actually represent those who pay federal taxes, the states being completely separate, legal entities.

 

The Albany Plan Re-Visited, also explains government on the 10th grade level, not the 4th grade level, so, if you are unaccustomed to reading, you’ll need a dictionary.

 

People like Levin & Friends, would have us go back to 1787 and ignore the advances that we’ve made in sociology, psychology, and political philosophy. The 1787 constitution was being destroyed as early as 1798 with the Supreme Court rulings on The Alien and Sedition Acts. Marshall, with his line of decisions starting with Marbury vs Madison, continued the destruction until Lincoln absolutely destroyed the 1787 constitution with his illegal invasion of a free and independent nation.

 

It’s time to move forward, not backward. Buy, read, and promote, The Albany Plan Re-Visited.

July 10, 2013

Trending: Secession

Back in 2006 I started research for a book on Public Sector Organizational Theory which resulted in The Heartland Plan; federal government by, for and of, the taxpayer. When Obama started running for prez in 2008, I started research on constitutional law and construction resulting in The Albany Plan Re-Visited, now available at http://www.bn.com/ebooks for download. The Albany Plan Re-Visited includes a complete section on nullification and an expanded one on secession with a complete outline for a new federal government, one responsive to the needs of THE TAXPAYER, and not various special interest groups. Below is what I forecast back in 2008.

Buy, read, and promote: The Albany Plan Re-Visited.

http://coloradoindependent.com/4448/one-in-five-americans-are-whistling-dixie-on-state-secession

 

One-in-five Americans are whistling Dixie on state secession

By Wendy Norris 
Monday, July 28, 2008 at 10:37 am

 

The People’s Republic of Colorado may not be a pipe dream after all for right-wing states’ rights zealots and left-wing peaceniks. 

 

A new Zobgy/Middlebury Institute poll reports that 22 percent of respondents believe that states have the right to peaceably secede from the United States. The figures go up considerably among liberals, Latinos, blacks, young people and Southern residents.

From the press release:

The level of support for the right of secession was consistent in every region in the country, though the percentage was slightly higher in the South (26%) and the East (24%).  The figures were also consistent for every age group, but backing was strongest among younger adults, as 40% among those age 18 to 24 and 24% among those age 25 to 34 agreed states and regions have secession rights.

Broken down by race, the highest percentage agreeing with the right to secede was among Hispanics (43%) and African-Americans (40%). Among white respondents, 17% said states or regions should have the right to peaceably secede.

Politically, liberal thinkers were much more likely to favor the right to secession for states and regions, as 32% of mainline liberals agreed with the concept. Among the very liberal the support was only slightly less enthusiastic – 28% said they favored such a right. Meanwhile, just 17% of mainline conservatives thought it should exist as an option for states or regions of the nation.

Asked whether they would support a secessionist movement in their own state, 18% said they would, with those in the South most likely to say they would back such an effort. In the South, 24% said they would support such an effort, while 15% in the West and Midwest said the same. Here, too, younger adults were more likely than older adults to be supportive – 35% of those under age 30 would support secession in their state, compared to just 17% of those over age 65. Among African Americans, 33% said they would support secession, compared to just 15% of white adults. The more education a respondent had, the less likely they were to support secession – as 38% of those with less than a high school diploma would support it, compared to just 10% of those with a college degree.

To gauge the extent to which support for secession comes from a sense that the nation’s current system is not working, a separate question was asked about agreement that “the United States’ system is broken and cannot be fixed by traditional two-party politics and elections.” Nearly half of respondents agreed with this statement, with 27% who somewhat agree and 18% who strongly agree. [Emphasis mine]

The telephone poll, conducted by Zogby International, included 1,209 American adult respondents. It was conducted July 9-13, 2008, and carries a margin of error of +/- 2.9 per cent.

 

March 25, 2013

Social Security and Medicare Died in 1996

Social Security & Medicare Died in 1996

Printed: 25 March 2013

Yupper, and here’s why:

We’ll ignore all of the legal arguments of unconstitutionality, simply because, except for Ben Stein, they’re ignored by everyone except Ben and me. We’ll not bring out all of the points regarding how the money is collected and misspent, and we’ll even ignore that neither program is an insurance program but a tax on payrolls and then a redistribution to the under-taxed, a federally operated Ponzi Scheme.

In 1996 a research hospital in London U.K., grew a new bladder for a patient. It was successfully implanted and the patient is still doing well. On 23 March 2013, The Wall Street Journal had a page one leader reporting that this same hospital was building a heart from scratch. Over the past six months, both TWSJ and The Economist, in its quarterly science review, have reported that in Germany, a drug is being dispensed that halts ALS and Alzheimer’s, and that in Switzerland, a drug trial on mice has reversed Multiple Sclerosis (MS), which means that we’re probably within 5 years of having a cure for MS. With the organ growth technology, diabetes is beaten, as well as joint replacement. Sounds science-fictiony, doesn’t it? No more heart disease, no more organ failures, no more limb loss, no more neural deficits, hmm, almost a complete body exchange, isn’t it?

What it really means is that individuals will shortly be able to live a healthy, long, life with no loss of brain function, ie, no senility! Long as in over 500 years, finances permitting!

Currently Social Security, Medicare, and PPACA (Obamacare), are all transfer of wealth programs. The young are taxed to pay for medical services and pension payments to the elderly, elderly being statutorily defined for Health Care as either 65 y/o or “in need”, which includes financial as well as medical “need”, and as either 62, 65 or 67, depending upon when you were born, a date determined by Congress’s arbitrary and politically expeditious whim, and 72, or more, now being discussed in committee.

Although a reading of Obamacare shows that those under the age of two and over that of 57 will be ineligible for these replacement procedures because as of today, and those included have specific restrictions and caveats as to availability of experimental procedures +/or drugs, while the regulations are being written, these procedures are experimental and therefore expressly excluded from Medicare and PPACA, an immediate concierge medical service will make them available to all who can pay either through private insurance or personal wealth, and thereby they will become common and accepted, thus these procedures will cease to be experimental within 15 years. The rationale for Obamacare, “adequate healthcare for all”, will force the politicians to make these procedures available to all, regardless of their cost and regardless of the recipient’s ability to pay.

What age retirement now? At what age will the politicians, who have excluded themselves from Obamacare, yet require that the taxpayer pay for their healthcare, thereby automatically making them eligible for organ implants and neural security,  put your retirement eligibility for Social Security Insurance, Medicare, +/or Obamacare? 100? 150? 200? And where will you work for those years? Where will you live? What jobs will become available to the young? Those whom you expect to support you and pay for these implants? Suppose technology makes you un-employed at age 172 and yet you are expected to live to 500? This is a very strong possibility with these new medical advances.

The 70 year old Japanese Minister of Finance has already stated publicly that the elderly, of which he is not one, should start dying to make way for the young in Japan.

Do you really think that when less than 1% of the population is under the age of 72, and that they are the only productive segment of society, no matter how productive they are, they will be able to support the other 99+%? Even if the wanted to support the other 99%, do you really think that it’s even possible?

So, what now for all of these welfare programs?

Oh, and just a reminder, even if the politicians themselves do not read the papers, they do have staff who read them and the politicians do get those reports. The politicians are better informed on this than you are, so y’all need to start thinking on why these issues weren’t being addressed when Bill & Hillary were at 1600 and good ole Newt was speaking in the house?

 

September 28, 2009

Roe v Wade, Not really about abortion, is it?

For those of you who have actually begun to wonder if Roe says what the media says that it says, here it is. Roe is actually about ‘standing’ and ‘mootness’. It’s wrong on its face, but so many of the Supremes’ decisions are, who can count and what can we do (vote Whig, of course, but that’d require that you buy the book: “Three Strikes and You’re out”, which you can’t find, can you?), about it? Three Strikes also has a section that includes the legal proof that the Federal Government cannot legally tax personal income. So, here’s Roe v Wade in its entirety:

BLACKMUN, J., Opinion of the Court

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES

——————————————————————————–

410 U.S. 113

Roe v. Wade
APPEAL FROM THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE NORTHERN DISTRICT OF TEXAS

——————————————————————————–

No. 70-18 Argued: December 13, 1971 — Decided: January 22, 1973

——————————————————————————–

MR. JUSTICE BLACKMUN delivered the opinion of the Court.

This Texas federal appeal and its Georgia companion, Doe v. Bolton, post, p. 179, present constitutional challenges to state criminal abortion legislation. The Texas statutes under attack here are typical of those that have been in effect in many States for approximately a century. The Georgia statutes, in contrast, have a modern cast, and are a legislative product that, to an extent at least, obviously reflects the influences of recent attitudinal change, of advancing medical knowledge and techniques, and of new thinking about an old issue.

We forthwith acknowledge our awareness of the sensitive and emotional nature of the abortion controversy, of the vigorous opposing views, even among physicians, and of the deep and seemingly absolute convictions that the subject inspires. One’s philosophy, one’s experiences, one’s exposure to the raw edges of human existence, one’s religious training, one’s attitudes toward life and family and their values, and the moral standards one establishes and seeks to observe, are all likely to influence and to color one’s thinking and conclusions about abortion.

In addition, population growth, pollution, poverty, and racial overtones tend to complicate and not to simplify the problem.

Our task, of course, is to resolve the issue by constitutional measurement, free of emotion and of predilection. We seek earnestly to do this, and, because we do, we [p117] have inquired into, and in this opinion place some emphasis upon, medical and medical-legal history and what that history reveals about man’s attitudes toward the abortion procedure over the centuries. We bear in mind, too, Mr. Justice Holmes’ admonition in his now-vindicated dissent in Lochner v. New York, 198 U.S. 45, 76 (1905):

[The Constitution] is made for people of fundamentally differing views, and the accident of our finding certain opinions natural and familiar or novel and even shocking ought not to conclude our judgment upon the question whether statutes embodying them conflict with the Constitution of the United States.

I

The Texas statutes that concern us here are Arts. 1191-1194 and 1196 of the State’s Penal Code. [n1] These make it a crime to “procure an abortion,” as therein [p118] defined, or to attempt one, except with respect to “an abortion procured or attempted by medical advice for the purpose of saving the life of the mother.” Similar statutes are in existence in a majority of the States. [n2] [p119]

Texas first enacted a criminal abortion statute in 1854. Texas Laws 1854, c. 49, § 1, set forth in 3 H. Gammel, Laws of Texas 1502 (1898). This was soon modified into language that has remained substantially unchanged to the present time. See Texas Penal Code of 1857, c. 7, Arts. 531-536; G. Paschal, Laws of Texas, Arts. 2192-2197 (1866); Texas Rev.Stat., c. 8, Arts. 536-541 (1879); Texas Rev.Crim.Stat., Arts. 1071-1076 (1911). The final article in each of these compilations provided the same exception, as does the present Article 1196, for an abortion by “medical advice for the purpose of saving the life of the mother.” [n3] [p120]

II

Jane Roe, [n4] a single woman who was residing in Dallas County, Texas, instituted this federal action in March 1970 against the District Attorney of the county. She sought a declaratory judgment that the Texas criminal abortion statutes were unconstitutional on their face, and an injunction restraining the defendant from enforcing the statutes.

Roe alleged that she was unmarried and pregnant; that she wished to terminate her pregnancy by an abortion “performed by a competent, licensed physician, under safe, clinical conditions”; that she was unable to get a “legal” abortion in Texas because her life did not appear to be threatened by the continuation of her pregnancy; and that she could not afford to travel to another jurisdiction in order to secure a legal abortion under safe conditions. She claimed that the Texas statutes were unconstitutionally vague and that they abridged her right of personal privacy, protected by the First, Fourth, Fifth, Ninth, and Fourteenth Amendments. By an amendment to her complaint, Roe purported to sue “on behalf of herself and all other women” similarly situated.

James Hubert Hallford, a licensed physician, sought and was granted leave to intervene in Roe’s action. In his complaint, he alleged that he had been arrested previously for violations of the Texas abortion statutes, and [p121] that two such prosecutions were pending against him. He described conditions of patients who came to him seeking abortions, and he claimed that for many cases he, as a physician, was unable to determine whether they fell within or outside the exception recognized by Article 1196. He alleged that, as a consequence, the statutes were vague and uncertain, in violation of the Fourteenth Amendment, and that they violated his own and his patients’ rights to privacy in the doctor-patient relationship and his own right to practice medicine, rights he claimed were guaranteed by the First, Fourth, Fifth, Ninth, and Fourteenth Amendments.

John and Mary Doe, [n5] a married couple, filed a companion complaint to that of Roe. They also named the District Attorney as defendant, claimed like constitutional deprivations, and sought declaratory and injunctive relief. The Does alleged that they were a childless couple; that Mrs. Doe was suffering from a “neural-chemical” disorder; that her physician had “advised her to avoid pregnancy until such time as her condition has materially improved” (although a pregnancy at the present time would not present “a serious risk” to her life); that, pursuant to medical advice, she had discontinued use of birth control pills; and that, if she should become pregnant, she would want to terminate the pregnancy by an abortion performed by a competent, licensed physician under safe, clinical conditions. By an amendment to their complaint, the Does purported to sue “on behalf of themselves and all couples similarly situated.”

The two actions were consolidated and heard together by a duly convened three-judge district court. The suits thus presented the situations of the pregnant single woman, the childless couple, with the wife not pregnant, [p122] and the licensed practicing physician, all joining in the attack on the Texas criminal abortion statutes. Upon the filing of affidavits, motions were made for dismissal and for summary judgment. The court held that Roe and members of her class, and Dr. Hallford, had standing to sue and presented justiciable controversies, but that the Does had failed to allege facts sufficient to state a present controversy, and did not have standing. It concluded that, with respect to the requests for a declaratory judgment, abstention was not warranted. On the merits, the District Court held that the

fundamental right of single women and married persons to choose whether to have children is protected by the Ninth Amendment, through the Fourteenth Amendment,

and that the Texas criminal abortion statutes were void on their face because they were both unconstitutionally vague and constituted an overbroad infringement of the plaintiffs’ Ninth Amendment rights. The court then held that abstention was warranted with respect to the requests for an injunction. It therefore dismissed the Does’ complaint, declared the abortion statutes void, and dismissed the application for injunctive relief. 314 F.Supp. 1217, 1225 (ND Tex.1970).

The plaintiffs Roe and Doe and the intervenor Hallford, pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 1253 have appealed to this Court from that part of the District Court’s judgment denying the injunction. The defendant District Attorney has purported to cross-appeal, pursuant to the same statute, from the court’s grant of declaratory relief to Roe and Hallford. Both sides also have taken protective appeals to the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit. That court ordered the appeals held in abeyance pending decision here. We postponed decision on jurisdiction to the hearing on the merits. 402 U.S. 941 (1971) [p123]

It might have been preferable if the defendant, pursuant to our Rule 20, had presented to us a petition for certiorari before judgment in the Court of Appeals with respect to the granting of the plaintiffs’ prayer for declaratory relief. Our decisions in Mitchell v. Donovan, 398 U.S. 427 (1970), and Gunn v. University Committee, 399 U.S. 383 (1970), are to the effect that § 1253 does not authorize an appeal to this Court from the grant or denial of declaratory relief alone. We conclude, nevertheless, that those decisions do not foreclose our review of both the injunctive and the declaratory aspects of a case of this kind when it is properly here, as this one is, on appeal under 1253 from specific denial of injunctive relief, and the arguments as to both aspects are necessarily identical. See Carter v. Jury Comm’n, 396 U.S. 320 (1970); Florida Lime Growers v. Jacobsen, 362 U.S. 73, 80-81 (1960). It would be destructive of time and energy for all concerned were we to rule otherwise. Cf. Doe v. Bolton, post, p. 179.

IV

We are next confronted with issues of justiciability, standing, and abstention. Have Roe and the Does established that “personal stake in the outcome of the controversy,” Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 204 (1962), that insures that

the dispute sought to be adjudicated will be presented in an adversary context and in a form historically viewed as capable of judicial resolution,

Flast v. Cohen, 392 U.S. 83, 101 (1968), and Sierra Club v. Morton, 405 U.S. 727, 732 (1972)? And what effect did the pendency of criminal abortion charges against Dr. Hallford in state court have upon the propriety of the federal court’s granting relief to him as a plaintiff-intervenor? [p124]

A. Jane Roe. Despite the use of the pseudonym, no suggestion is made that Roe is a fictitious person. For purposes of her case, we accept as true, and as established, her existence; her pregnant state, as of the inception of her suit in March 1970 and as late as May 21 of that year when she filed an alias affidavit with the District Court; and her inability to obtain a legal abortion in Texas.

Viewing Roe’s case as of the time of its filing and thereafter until as late a May, there can be little dispute that it then presented a case or controversy and that, wholly apart from the class aspects, she, as a pregnant single woman thwarted by the Texas criminal abortion laws, had standing to challenge those statutes. Abele v. Markle, 452 F.2d 1121, 1125 (CA2 1971); Crossen v. Breckenridge, 446 F.2d 833, 838-839 (CA6 1971); Poe v. Menghini, 339 F.Supp. 986, 990-991 (Kan.1972). See Truax v. Raich, 239 U.S. 33 (1915). Indeed, we do not read the appellee’s brief as really asserting anything to the contrary. The “logical nexus between the status asserted and the claim sought to be adjudicated,” Flast v. Cohen, 392 U.S. at 102, and the necessary degree of contentiousness, Golden v. Zwickler, 394 U.S. 103 (1969), are both present.

The appellee notes, however, that the record does not disclose that Roe was pregnant at the time of the District Court hearing on May 22, 1970, [n6] or on the following June 17 when the court’s opinion and judgment were filed. And he suggests that Roe’s case must now be moot because she and all other members of her class are no longer subject to any 1970 pregnancy. [p125]

The usual rule in federal cases is that an actual controversy must exist at stages of appellate or certiorari review, and not simply at the date the action is initiated. United States v. Munsingwear, Inc., 340 U.S. 36 (1950); Golden v. Zwickler, supra; SEC v. Medical Committee for Human Rights, 404 U.S. 403 (1972).

But when, as here, pregnancy is a significant fact in the litigation, the normal 266-day human gestation period is so short that the pregnancy will come to term before the usual appellate process is complete. If that termination makes a case moot, pregnancy litigation seldom will survive much beyond the trial stage, and appellate review will be effectively denied. Our law should not be that rigid. Pregnancy often comes more than once to the same woman, and in the general population, if man is to survive, it will always be with us. Pregnancy provides a classic justification for a conclusion of nonmootness. It truly could be “capable of repetition, yet evading review.” Southern Pacific Terminal Co. v. ICC, 219 U.S. 498, 515 (1911). See Moore v. Ogilvie, 394 U.S. 814, 816 (1969); Carroll v. Princess Anne, 393 U.S. 175, 178-179 (1968); United States v. W. T. Grant Co., 345 U.S. 629, 632-633 (1953).

We, therefore, agree with the District Court that Jane Roe had standing to undertake this litigation, that she presented a justiciable controversy, and that the termination of her 1970 pregnancy has not rendered her case moot.

B. Dr. Hallford. The doctor’s position is different. He entered Roe’s litigation as a plaintiff-intervenor, alleging in his complaint that he:

[I]n the past has been arrested for violating the Texas Abortion Laws and at the present time stands charged by indictment with violating said laws in the Criminal District Court of Dallas County, Texas to-wit: (1) The State of Texas vs. [p126] James H. Hallford, No. C-69-5307-IH, and (2) The State of Texas vs. James H. Hallford, No. C-692524-H. In both cases, the defendant is charged with abortion. . . .

In his application for leave to intervene, the doctor made like representations as to the abortion charges pending in the state court. These representations were also repeated in the affidavit he executed and filed in support of his motion for summary judgment.

Dr. Hallford is, therefore, in the position of seeking, in a federal court, declaratory and injunctive relief with respect to the same statutes under which he stands charged in criminal prosecutions simultaneously pending in state court. Although he stated that he has been arrested in the past for violating the State’s abortion laws, he makes no allegation of any substantial and immediate threat to any federally protected right that cannot be asserted in his defense against the state prosecutions. Neither is there any allegation of harassment or bad faith prosecution. In order to escape the rule articulated in the cases cited in the next paragraph of this opinion that, absent harassment and bad faith, a defendant in a pending state criminal case cannot affirmatively challenge in federal court the statutes under which the State is prosecuting him, Dr. Hallford seeks to distinguish his status as a present state defendant from his status as a “potential future defendant,” and to assert only the latter for standing purposes here.

We see no merit in that distinction. Our decision in Samuels v. Mackell, 401 U.S. 66 (1971), compels the conclusion that the District Court erred when it granted declaratory relief to Dr. Hallford instead of refraining from so doing. The court, of course, was correct in refusing to grant injunctive relief to the doctor. The reasons supportive of that action, however, are those expressed in Samuels v. Mackell, supra, and in Younger v. [p127] Harris, 401 U.S. 37 (1971); Boyle v. Landry, 401 U.S. 77 (1971); Perez v. Ledesma, 401 U.S. 82 (1971); and Byrne v. Karaleis, 401 U.S. 216 (1971). See also Dombrowski v. Pfister, 380 U.S. 479 (1965). We note, in passing, that Younger and its companion cases were decided after the three-judge District Court decision in this case.

Dr. Hallford’s complaint in intervention, therefore, is to be dismissed. [n7] He is remitted to his defenses in the state criminal proceedings against him. We reverse the judgment of the District Court insofar as it granted Dr. Hallford relief and failed to dismiss his complaint in intervention.

C. The Does. In view of our ruling as to Roe’s standing in her case, the issue of the Does’ standing in their case has little significance. The claims they assert are essentially the same as those of Roe, and they attack the same statutes. Nevertheless, we briefly note the Does’ posture.

Their pleadings present them as a childless married couple, the woman not being pregnant, who have no desire to have children at this time because of their having received medical advice that Mrs. Doe should avoid pregnancy, and for “other highly personal reasons.” But they “fear . . . they may face the prospect of becoming [p128] parents.” And if pregnancy ensues, they “would want to terminate” it by an abortion. They assert an inability to obtain an abortion legally in Texas and, consequently, the prospect of obtaining an illegal abortion there or of going outside Texas to some place where the procedure could be obtained legally and competently.

We thus have as plaintiffs a married couple who have, as their asserted immediate and present injury, only an alleged “detrimental effect upon [their] marital happiness” because they are forced to “the choice of refraining from normal sexual relations or of endangering Mary Doe’s health through a possible pregnancy.” Their claim is that, sometime in the future, Mrs. Doe might become pregnant because of possible failure of contraceptive measures, and, at that time in the future, she might want an abortion that might then be illegal under the Texas statutes.

This very phrasing of the Does’ position reveals its speculative character. Their alleged injury rests on possible future contraceptive failure, possible future pregnancy, possible future unpreparedness for parenthood, and possible future impairment of health. Any one or more of these several possibilities may not take place, and all may not combine. In the Does’ estimation, these possibilities might have some real or imagined impact upon their marital happiness. But we are not prepared to say that the bare allegation of so indirect an injury is sufficient to present an actual case or controversy. Younger v. Harris, 401 U.S. at 41-42; Golden v. Zwickler, 394 U.S. at 109-110; Abele v. Markle, 452 F.2d at 1124-1125; Crossen v. Breckenridge, 446 F.2d at 839. The Does’ claim falls far short of those resolved otherwise in the cases that the Does urge upon us, namely, Investment Co. Institute v. Camp, 401 U.S. 617 (1971); Data Processing Service v. Camp, 397 U.S. 150 (1970); [p129] and Epperson v. Arkansas, 393 U.S. 97 (1968). See also Truax v. Raich, 239 U.S. 33 (1915).

The Does therefore are not appropriate plaintiffs in this litigation. Their complaint was properly dismissed by the District Court, and we affirm that dismissal.

V

The principal thrust of appellant’s attack on the Texas statutes is that they improperly invade a right, said to be possessed by the pregnant woman, to choose to terminate her pregnancy. Appellant would discover this right in the concept of personal “liberty” embodied in the Fourteenth Amendment’s Due Process Clause; or in personal, marital, familial, and sexual privacy said to be protected by the Bill of Rights or its penumbras, see Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479 (1965); Eisenstadt v. Baird, 405 U.S. 438 (1972); id. at 460 (WHITE, J., concurring in result); or among those rights reserved to the people by the Ninth Amendment, Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. at 486 (Goldberg, J., concurring). Before addressing this claim, we feel it desirable briefly to survey, in several aspects, the history of abortion, for such insight as that history may afford us, and then to examine the state purposes and interests behind the criminal abortion laws.

VI

It perhaps is not generally appreciated that the restrictive criminal abortion laws in effect in a majority of States today are of relatively recent vintage. Those laws, generally proscribing abortion or its attempt at any time during pregnancy except when necessary to preserve the pregnant woman’s life, are not of ancient or even of common law origin. Instead, they derive from statutory changes effected, for the most part, in the latter half of the 19th century. [p130]

1. Ancient attitudes. These are not capable of precise determination. We are told that, at the time of the Persian Empire, abortifacients were known, and that criminal abortions were severely punished. [n8] We are also told, however, that abortion was practiced in Greek times as well as in the Roman Era, [n9] and that “it was resorted to without scruple.” [n10] The Ephesian, Soranos, often described as the greatest of the ancient gynecologists, appears to have been generally opposed to Rome’s prevailing free-abortion practices. He found it necessary to think first of the life of the mother, and he resorted to abortion when, upon this standard, he felt the procedure advisable. [n11] Greek and Roman law afforded little protection to the unborn. If abortion was prosecuted in some places, it seems to have been based on a concept of a violation of the father’s right to his offspring. Ancient religion did not bar abortion. [n12]

2. The Hippocratic Oath. What then of the famous Oath that has stood so long as the ethical guide of the medical profession and that bears the name of the great Greek (460(?)-377(?) B. C.), who has been described [p131] as the Father of Medicine, the “wisest and the greatest practitioner of his art,” and the “most important and most complete medical personality of antiquity,” who dominated the medical schools of his time, and who typified the sum of the medical knowledge of the past? [n13] The Oath varies somewhat according to the particular translation, but in any translation the content is clear:

I will give no deadly medicine to anyone if asked, nor suggest any such counsel; and in like manner, I will not give to a woman a pessary to produce abortion, [n14]

or

I will neither give a deadly drug to anybody if asked for it, nor will I make a suggestion to this effect. Similarly, I will not give to a woman an abortive remedy. [n15]

Although the Oath is not mentioned in any of the principal briefs in this case or in Doe v. Bolton, post, p. 179, it represents the apex of the development of strict ethical concepts in medicine, and its influence endures to this day. Why did not the authority of Hippocrates dissuade abortion practice in his time and that of Rome? The late Dr. Edelstein provides us with a theory: [n16] The Oath was not uncontested even in Hippocrates’ day; only the Pythagorean school of philosophers frowned upon the related act of suicide. Most Greek thinkers, on the other hand, commended abortion, at least prior to viability. See Plato, Republic, V, 461; Aristotle, Politics, VII, 1335b 25. For the Pythagoreans, however, it was a matter of dogma. For them, the embryo was animate from the moment of conception, and abortion meant destruction of a living being. The abortion clause of the Oath, therefore, “echoes Pythagorean doctrines,” [p132] and “[i]n no other stratum of Greek opinion were such views held or proposed in the same spirit of uncompromising austerity.” [n17]

Dr. Edelstein then concludes that the Oath originated in a group representing only a small segment of Greek opinion, and that it certainly was not accepted by all ancient physicians. He points out that medical writings down to Galen (A.D. 130-200) “give evidence of the violation of almost every one of its injunctions.” [n18] But with the end of antiquity, a decided change took place. Resistance against suicide and against abortion became common. The Oath came to be popular. The emerging teachings of Christianity were in agreement with the Pythagorean ethic. The Oath “became the nucleus of all medical ethics,” and “was applauded as the embodiment of truth.” Thus, suggests Dr. Edelstein, it is “a Pythagorean manifesto, and not the expression of an absolute standard of medical conduct.” [n19]

This, it seems to us, is a satisfactory and acceptable explanation of the Hippocratic Oath’s apparent rigidity. It enables us to understand, in historical context, a long-accepted and revered statement of medical ethics.

3. The common law. It is undisputed that, at common law, abortion performed before “quickening” — the first recognizable movement of the fetus in utero, appearing usually from the 16th to the 18th week of pregnancy [n20] — was not an indictable offense. [n21] The absence [p133] of a common law crime for pre-quickening abortion appears to have developed from a confluence of earlier philosophical, theological, and civil and canon law concepts of when life begins. These disciplines variously approached the question in terms of the point at which the embryo or fetus became “formed” or recognizably human, or in terms of when a “person” came into being, that is, infused with a “soul” or “animated.” A loose consensus evolved in early English law that these events occurred at some point between conception and live birth. [n22] This was “mediate animation.” Although [p134] Christian theology and the canon law came to fix the point of animation at 40 days for a male and 80 days for a female, a view that persisted until the 19th century, there was otherwise little agreement about the precise time of formation or animation. There was agreement, however, that, prior to this point, the fetus was to be regarded as part of the mother, and its destruction, therefore, was not homicide. Due to continued uncertainty about the precise time when animation occurred, to the lack of any empirical basis for the 40-80-day view, and perhaps to Aquinas’ definition of movement as one of the two first principles of life, Bracton focused upon quickening as the critical point. The significance of quickening was echoed by later common law scholars, and found its way into the received common law in this country.

Whether abortion of a quick fetus was a felony at common law, or even a lesser crime, is still disputed. Bracton, writing early in the 13th century, thought it homicide. [n23] But the later and predominant view, following the great common law scholars, has been that it was, at most, a lesser offense. In a frequently cited [p135] passage, Coke took the position that abortion of a woman “quick with childe” is “a great misprision, and no murder.” [n24] Blackstone followed, saying that, while abortion after quickening had once been considered manslaughter (though not murder), “modern law” took a less severe view. [n25] A recent review of the common law precedents argues, however, that those precedents contradict Coke, and that even post-quickening abortion was never established as a common law crime. [n26] This is of some importance, because, while most American courts ruled, in holding or dictum, that abortion of an unquickened fetus was not criminal under their received common law, [n27] others followed Coke in stating that abortion [p136] of a quick fetus was a “misprision,” a term they translated to mean “misdemeanor.” [n28] That their reliance on Coke on this aspect of the law was uncritical and, apparently in all the reported cases, dictum (due probably to the paucity of common law prosecutions for post-quickening abortion), makes it now appear doubtful that abortion was ever firmly established as a common law crime even with respect to the destruction of a quick fetus.

4. The English statutory law. England’s first criminal abortion statute, Lord Ellenborough’s Act, 43 Geo. 3, c. 58, came in 1803. It made abortion of a quick fetus, § 1, a capital crime, but, in § 2, it provided lesser penalties for the felony of abortion before quickening, and thus preserved the “quickening” distinction. This contrast was continued in the general revision of 1828, 9 Geo. 4, c. 31, § 13. It disappeared, however, together with the death penalty, in 1837, 7 Will. 4 & 1 Vict., c. 85. § 6, and did not reappear in the Offenses Against the Person Act of 1861, 24 & 25 Vict., c. 100, § 59, that formed the core of English anti-abortion law until the liberalizing reforms of 1967. In 1929, the Infant Life (Preservation) Act, 19 & 20 Geo. 5, c. 34, came into being. Its emphasis was upon the destruction of “the life of a child capable of being born alive.” It made a willful act performed with the necessary intent a felony. It contained a proviso that one was not to be [p137] found guilty of the offense

unless it is proved that the act which caused the death of the child was not done in good faith for the purpose only of preserving the life of the mother.

A seemingly notable development in the English law was the case of Rex v. Bourne, [1939] 1 K.B. 687. This case apparently answered in the affirmative the question whether an abortion necessary to preserve the life of the pregnant woman was excepted from the criminal penalties of the 1861 Act. In his instructions to the jury, Judge Macnaghten referred to the 1929 Act, and observed that that Act related to “the case where a child is killed by a willful act at the time when it is being delivered in the ordinary course of nature.” Id. at 691. He concluded that the 1861 Act’s use of the word “unlawfully,” imported the same meaning expressed by the specific proviso in the 1929 Act, even though there was no mention of preserving the mother’s life in the 1861 Act. He then construed the phrase “preserving the life of the mother” broadly, that is, “in a reasonable sense,” to include a serious and permanent threat to the mother’s health, and instructed the jury to acquit Dr. Bourne if it found he had acted in a good faith belief that the abortion was necessary for this purpose. Id. at 693-694. The jury did acquit.

Recently, Parliament enacted a new abortion law. This is the Abortion Act of 1967, 15 & 16 Eliz. 2, c. 87. The Act permits a licensed physician to perform an abortion where two other licensed physicians agree (a)

that the continuance of the pregnancy would involve risk to the life of the pregnant woman, or of injury to the physical or mental health of the pregnant woman or any existing children of her family, greater than if the pregnancy were terminated,

or (b)

that there is a substantial risk that, if the child were born it would suffer from such physical or mental abnormalities as [p138] to be seriously handicapped.

The Act also provides that, in making this determination, “account may be taken of the pregnant woman’s actual or reasonably foreseeable environment.” It also permits a physician, without the concurrence of others, to terminate a pregnancy where he is of the good faith opinion that the abortion “is immediately necessary to save the life or to prevent grave permanent injury to the physical or mental health of the pregnant woman.”

5. The American law. In this country, the law in effect in all but a few States until mid-19th century was the preexisting English common law. Connecticut, the first State to enact abortion legislation, adopted in 1821 that part of Lord Ellenborough’s Act that related to a woman “quick with child.” [n29] The death penalty was not imposed. Abortion before quickening was made a crime in that State only in 1860. [n30] In 1828, New York enacted legislation [n31] that, in two respects, was to serve as a model for early anti-abortion statutes. First, while barring destruction of an unquickened fetus as well as a quick fetus, it made the former only a misdemeanor, but the latter second-degree manslaughter. Second, it incorporated a concept of therapeutic abortion by providing that an abortion was excused if it

shall have been necessary to preserve the life of such mother, or shall have been advised by two physicians to be necessary for such purpose.

By 1840, when Texas had received the common law, [n32] only eight American States [p139] had statutes dealing with abortion. [n33] It was not until after the War Between the States that legislation began generally to replace the common law. Most of these initial statutes dealt severely with abortion after quickening, but were lenient with it before quickening. Most punished attempts equally with completed abortions. While many statutes included the exception for an abortion thought by one or more physicians to be necessary to save the mother’s life, that provision soon disappeared, and the typical law required that the procedure actually be necessary for that purpose. Gradually, in the middle and late 19th century, the quickening distinction disappeared from the statutory law of most States and the degree of the offense and the penalties were increased. By the end of the 1950’s, a large majority of the jurisdictions banned abortion, however and whenever performed, unless done to save or preserve the life of the mother. [n34] The exceptions, Alabama and the District of Columbia, permitted abortion to preserve the mother’s health. [n35] Three States permitted abortions that were not “unlawfully” performed or that were not “without lawful justification,” leaving interpretation of those standards to the courts. [n36] In [p140] the past several years, however, a trend toward liberalization of abortion statutes has resulted in adoption, by about one-third of the States, of less stringent laws, most of them patterned after the ALI Model Penal Code, § 230.3, [n37] set forth as Appendix B to the opinion in Doe v. Bolton, post, p. 205.

It is thus apparent that, at common law, at the time of the adoption of our Constitution, and throughout the major portion of the 19th century, abortion was viewed with less disfavor than under most American statutes currently in effect. Phrasing it another way, a woman enjoyed a substantially broader right to terminate a pregnancy than she does in most States today. At least with respect to the early stage of pregnancy, and very possibly without such a limitation, the opportunity [p141] to make this choice was present in this country well into the 19th century. Even later, the law continued for some time to treat less punitively an abortion procured in early pregnancy.

6. The position of the American Medical Association. The anti-abortion mood prevalent in this country in the late 19th century was shared by the medical profession. Indeed, the attitude of the profession may have played a significant role in the enactment of stringent criminal abortion legislation during that period.

An AMA Committee on Criminal Abortion was appointed in May, 1857. It presented its report, 12 Trans. of the Am.Med.Assn. 778 (1859), to the Twelfth Annual Meeting. That report observed that the Committee had been appointed to investigate criminal abortion “with a view to its general suppression.” It deplored abortion and its frequency and it listed three causes of “this general demoralization”:

The first of these causes is a widespread popular ignorance of the true character of the crime — a belief, even among mothers themselves, that the foetus is not alive till after the period of quickening.

The second of the agents alluded to is the fact that the profession themselves are frequently supposed careless of foetal life. . . .

The third reason of the frightful extent of this crime is found in the grave defects of our laws, both common and statute, as regards the independent and actual existence of the child before birth, as a living being. These errors, which are sufficient in most instances to prevent conviction, are based, and only based, upon mistaken and exploded medical dogmas. With strange inconsistency, the law fully acknowledges the foetus in utero and its inherent rights, for civil purposes; while personally and as criminally affected, it fails to recognize it, [p142] and to its life as yet denies all protection.

Id. at 776. The Committee then offered, and the Association adopted, resolutions protesting “against such unwarrantable destruction of human life,” calling upon state legislatures to revise their abortion laws, and requesting the cooperation of state medical societies “in pressing the subject.” Id. at 28, 78.

In 1871, a long and vivid report was submitted by the Committee on Criminal Abortion. It ended with the observation,

We had to deal with human life. In a matter of less importance, we could entertain no compromise. An honest judge on the bench would call things by their proper names. We could do no less.

22 Trans. of the Am.Med.Assn. 268 (1871). It proffered resolutions, adopted by the Association, id. at 38-39, recommending, among other things, that it

be unlawful and unprofessional for any physician to induce abortion or premature labor without the concurrent opinion of at least one respectable consulting physician, and then always with a view to the safety of the child — if that be possible,

and calling

the attention of the clergy of all denominations to the perverted views of morality entertained by a large class of females — aye, and men also, on this important question.

Except for periodic condemnation of the criminal abortionist, no further formal AMA action took place until 1967. In that year, the Committee on Human Reproduction urged the adoption of a stated policy of opposition to induced abortion except when there is “documented medical evidence” of a threat to the health or life of the mother, or that the child “may be born with incapacitating physical deformity or mental deficiency,” or that a pregnancy “resulting from legally established statutory or forcible rape or incest may constitute a threat to the mental or physical health of the [p143] patient,” two other physicians “chosen because of their recognized professional competence have examined the patient and have concurred in writing,” and the procedure “is performed in a hospital accredited by the Joint Commission on Accreditation of Hospitals.” The providing of medical information by physicians to state legislatures in their consideration of legislation regarding therapeutic abortion was “to be considered consistent with the principles of ethics of the American Medical Association.” This recommendation was adopted by the House of Delegates. Proceedings of the AMA House of Delegates 40-51 (June 1967).

In 1970, after the introduction of a variety of proposed resolutions and of a report from its Board of Trustees, a reference committee noted “polarization of the medical profession on this controversial issue”; division among those who had testified; a difference of opinion among AMA councils and.committees; “the remarkable shift in testimony” in six months, felt to be influenced “by the rapid changes in state laws and by the judicial decisions which tend to make abortion more freely available; ” and a feeling “that this trend will continue.” On June 25, 1970, the House of Delegates adopted preambles and most of the resolutions proposed by the reference committee. The preambles emphasized “the best interests of the patient,” “sound clinical judgment,” and “informed patient consent,” in contrast to “mere acquiescence to the patient’s demand.” The resolutions asserted that abortion is a medical procedure that should be performed by a licensed physician in an accredited hospital only after consultation with two other physicians and in conformity with state law, and that no party to the procedure should be required to violate personally held moral principles. [n38] Proceedings [p144] of the AMA House of Delegates 220 (June 1970). The AMA Judicial Council rendered a complementary opinion. [n39]

7. The position of the American Public Health Association. In October, 1970, the Executive Board of the APHA adopted Standards for Abortion Services. These were five in number:

a. Rapid and simple abortion referral must be readily available through state and local public [p145] health departments, medical societies, or other nonprofit organizations.

b. An important function of counseling should be to simplify and expedite the provision of abortion services; it should not delay the obtaining of these services.

c. Psychiatric consultation should not be mandatory. As in the case of other specialized medical services, psychiatric consultation should be sought for definite indications, and not on a routine basis.

d. A wide range of individuals from appropriately trained, sympathetic volunteers to highly skilled physicians may qualify as abortion counselors.

e. Contraception and/or sterilization should be discussed with each abortion patient.

Recommended Standards for Abortion Services, 61 Am.J.Pub.Health 396 (1971). Among factors pertinent to life and health risks associated with abortion were three that “are recognized as important”:

a. the skill of the physician,

b. the environment in which the abortion is performed, and above all

c. the duration of pregnancy, as determined by uterine size and confirmed by menstrual history.

Id. at 397.

It was said that “a well equipped hospital” offers more protection

to cope with unforeseen difficulties than an office or clinic without such resources. . . . The factor of gestational age is of overriding importance.

Thus, it was recommended that abortions in the second trimester and early abortions in the presence of existing medical complications be performed in hospitals as inpatient procedures. For pregnancies in the first trimester, [p146] abortion in the hospital with or without overnight stay “is probably the safest practice.” An abortion in an extramural facility, however, is an acceptable alternative “provided arrangements exist in advance to admit patients promptly if unforeseen complications develop.” Standards for an abortion facility were listed. It was said that, at present, abortions should be performed by physicians or osteopaths who are licensed to practice and who have “adequate training.” Id. at 398.

8. The position of the American Bar Association. At its meeting in February, 1972, the ABA House of Delegates approved, with 17 opposing votes, the Uniform Abortion Act that had been drafted and approved the preceding August by the Conference of Commissioners on Uniform State Laws. 58 A.B.A.J. 380 (1972). We set forth the Act in full in the margin. [n40] The [p147] Opinion of the Court Conference has appended an enlightening Prefatory Note. [n41]

VII

Three reasons have been advanced to explain historically the enactment of criminal abortion laws in the 19th century and to justify their continued existence. [p148]

It has been argued occasionally that these laws were the product of a Victorian social concern to discourage illicit sexual conduct. Texas, however, does not advance this justification in the present case, and it appears that no court or commentator has taken the argument seriously. [n42] The appellants and amici contend, moreover, that this is not a proper state purpose, at all and suggest that, if it were, the Texas statutes are overbroad in protecting it, since the law fails to distinguish between married and unwed mothers.

A second reason is concerned with abortion as a medical procedure. When most criminal abortion laws were first enacted, the procedure was a hazardous one for the woman. [n43] This was particularly true prior to the [p149] development of antisepsis. Antiseptic techniques, of course, were based on discoveries by Lister, Pasteur, and others first announced in 1867, but were not generally accepted and employed until about the turn of the century. Abortion mortality was high. Even after 1900, and perhaps until as late as the development of antibiotics in the 1940’s, standard modern techniques such as dilation and curettage were not nearly so safe as they are today. Thus, it has been argued that a State’s real concern in enacting a criminal abortion law was to protect the pregnant woman, that is, to restrain her from submitting to a procedure that placed her life in serious jeopardy.

Modern medical techniques have altered this situation. Appellants and various amici refer to medical data indicating that abortion in early pregnancy, that is, prior to the end of the first trimester, although not without its risk, is now relatively safe. Mortality rates for women undergoing early abortions, where the procedure is legal, appear to be as low as or lower than the rates for normal childbirth. [n44] Consequently, any interest of the State in protecting the woman from an inherently hazardous procedure, except when it would be equally dangerous for her to forgo it, has largely disappeared. Of course, important state interests in the areas of health and medical standards do remain. [p150] The State has a legitimate interest in seeing to it that abortion, like any other medical procedure, is performed under circumstances that insure maximum safety for the patient. This interest obviously extends at least to the performing physician and his staff, to the facilities involved, to the availability of after-care, and to adequate provision for any complication or emergency that might arise. The prevalence of high mortality rates at illegal “abortion mills” strengthens, rather than weakens, the State’s interest in regulating the conditions under which abortions are performed. Moreover, the risk to the woman increases as her pregnancy continues. Thus, the State retains a definite interest in protecting the woman’s own health and safety when an abortion is proposed at a late stage of pregnancy.

The third reason is the State’s interest — some phrase it in terms of duty — in protecting prenatal life. Some of the argument for this justification rests on the theory that a new human life is present from the moment of conception. [n45] The State’s interest and general obligation to protect life then extends, it is argued, to prenatal life. Only when the life of the pregnant mother herself is at stake, balanced against the life she carries within her, should the interest of the embryo or fetus not prevail. Logically, of course, a legitimate state interest in this area need not stand or fall on acceptance of the belief that life begins at conception or at some other point prior to live birth. In assessing the State’s interest, recognition may be given to the less rigid claim that as long as at least potential life is involved, the State may assert interests beyond the protection of the pregnant woman alone. [p151]

Parties challenging state abortion laws have sharply disputed in some courts the contention that a purpose of these laws, when enacted, was to protect prenatal life. [n46] Pointing to the absence of legislative history to support the contention, they claim that most state laws were designed solely to protect the woman. Because medical advances have lessened this concern, at least with respect to abortion in early pregnancy, they argue that with respect to such abortions the laws can no longer be justified by any state interest. There is some scholarly support for this view of original purpose. [n47] The few state courts called upon to interpret their laws in the late 19th and early 20th centuries did focus on the State’s interest in protecting the woman’s health, rather than in preserving the embryo and fetus. [n48] Proponents of this view point out that in many States, including Texas, [n49] by statute or judicial interpretation, the pregnant woman herself could not be prosecuted for self-abortion or for cooperating in an abortion performed upon her by another. [n50] They claim that adoption of the “quickening” distinction through received common [p152] law and state statutes tacitly recognizes the greater health hazards inherent in late abortion and impliedly repudiates the theory that life begins at conception.

It is with these interests, and the eight to be attached to them, that this case is concerned.

VIII

The Constitution does not explicitly mention any right of privacy. In a line of decisions, however, going back perhaps as far as Union Pacific R. Co. v. Botsford, 141 U.S. 250, 251 (1891), the Court has recognized that a right of personal privacy, or a guarantee of certain areas or zones of privacy, does exist under the Constitution. In varying contexts, the Court or individual Justices have, indeed, found at least the roots of that right in the First Amendment, Stanley v. Georgia, 394 U.S. 557, 564 (1969); in the Fourth and Fifth Amendments, Terry v. Ohio, 392 U.S. 1, 8-9 (1968), Katz v. United States, 389 U.S. 347, 350 (1967), Boyd v. United States, 116 U.S. 616 (1886), see Olmstead v. United States, 277 U.S. 438, 478 (1928) (Brandeis, J., dissenting); in the penumbras of the Bill of Rights, Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. at 484-485; in the Ninth Amendment, id. at 486 (Goldberg, J., concurring); or in the concept of liberty guaranteed by the first section of the Fourteenth Amendment, see Meyer v. Nebraska, 262 U.S. 390, 399 (1923). These decisions make it clear that only personal rights that can be deemed “fundamental” or “implicit in the concept of ordered liberty,” Palko v. Connecticut, 302 U.S. 319, 325 (1937), are included in this guarantee of personal privacy. They also make it clear that the right has some extension to activities relating to marriage, Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1, 12 (1967); procreation, Skinner v. Oklahoma, 316 U.S. 535, 541-542 (1942); contraception, Eisenstadt v. Baird, 405 U.S. at 453-454; id. at 460, 463-465 [p153] (WHITE, J., concurring in result); family relationships, Prince v. Massachusetts, 321 U.S. 158, 166 (1944); and childrearing and education, Pierce v. Society of Sisters, 268 U.S. 510, 535 (1925), Meyer v. Nebraska, supra.

This right of privacy, whether it be founded in the Fourteenth Amendment’s concept of personal liberty and restrictions upon state action, as we feel it is, or, as the District Court determined, in the Ninth Amendment’s reservation of rights to the people, is broad enough to encompass a woman’s decision whether or not to terminate her pregnancy. The detriment that the State would impose upon the pregnant woman by denying this choice altogether is apparent. Specific and direct harm medically diagnosable even in early pregnancy may be involved. Maternity, or additional offspring, may force upon the woman a distressful life and future. Psychological harm may be imminent. Mental and physical health may be taxed by child care. There is also the distress, for all concerned, associated with the unwanted child, and there is the problem of bringing a child into a family already unable, psychologically and otherwise, to care for it. In other cases, as in this one, the additional difficulties and continuing stigma of unwed motherhood may be involved. All these are factors the woman and her responsible physician necessarily will consider in consultation.

On the basis of elements such as these, appellant and some amici argue that the woman’s right is absolute and that she is entitled to terminate her pregnancy at whatever time, in whatever way, and for whatever reason she alone chooses. With this we do not agree. Appellant’s arguments that Texas either has no valid interest at all in regulating the abortion decision, or no interest strong enough to support any limitation upon the woman’s sole determination, are unpersuasive. The [p154] Court’s decisions recognizing a right of privacy also acknowledge that some state regulation in areas protected by that right is appropriate. As noted above, a State may properly assert important interests in safeguarding health, in maintaining medical standards, and in protecting potential life. At some point in pregnancy, these respective interests become sufficiently compelling to sustain regulation of the factors that govern the abortion decision. The privacy right involved, therefore, cannot be said to be absolute. In fact, it is not clear to us that the claim asserted by some amici that one has an unlimited right to do with one’s body as one pleases bears a close relationship to the right of privacy previously articulated in the Court’s decisions. The Court has refused to recognize an unlimited right of this kind in the past. Jacobson v. Massachusetts, 197 U.S. 11 (1905) (vaccination); Buck v. Bell, 274 U.S. 200 (1927) ( sterilization).

We, therefore, conclude that the right of personal privacy includes the abortion decision, but that this right is not unqualified, and must be considered against important state interests in regulation.

We note that those federal and state courts that have recently considered abortion law challenges have reached the same conclusion. A majority, in addition to the District Court in the present case, have held state laws unconstitutional, at least in part, because of vagueness or because of overbreadth and abridgment of rights. Abele v. Markle, 342 F.Supp. 800 (Conn.1972), appeal docketed, No. 72-56; Abele v. Markle, 351 F.Supp. 224 (Conn.1972), appeal docketed, No. 72-730; Doe v. Bolton, 319 F.Supp. 1048 (ND Ga.1970), appeal decided today, post, p. 179; Doe v. Scott, 321 F.Supp. 1385 (ND Ill.1971), appeal docketed, No. 70-105; Poe v. Menghini, 339 F.Supp. 986 (Kan.1972); YWCA v. Kuler, 342 F.Supp. 1048 (NJ 1972); Babbitz v. McCann, [p155] 310 F.Supp. 293 (ED Wis.1970), appeal dismissed, 400 U.S. 1 (1970); People v. Belous, 71 Cal.2d 954, 458 P.2d 194 (1969), cert. denied, 397 U.S. 915 (1970); State v. Barquet, 262 So.2d 431 (Fla.1972).

Others have sustained state statutes. Crossen v. Attorney General, 344 F.Supp. 587 (ED Ky.1972), appeal docketed, No. 72-256; Rosen v. Louisiana State Board of Medical Examiners, 318 F.Supp. 1217 (ED La.1970), appeal docketed, No. 70-42; Corkey v. Edwards, 322 F.Supp. 1248 (WDNC 1971), appeal docketed, No. 71-92; Steinberg v. Brown, 321 F.Supp. 741 (ND Ohio 1970); Doe v. Rampton (Utah 1971), appeal docketed, No. 71-5666; Cheaney v. State, ___ Ind. ___, 285 N.E.2d 265 (1972); Spears v. State, 257 So.2d 876 (Miss. 1972); State v. Munson, 86 S.D. 663, 201 N.W.2d 123 (1972), appeal docketed, No. 72-631.

Although the results are divided, most of these courts have agreed that the right of privacy, however based, is broad enough to cover the abortion decision; that the right, nonetheless, is not absolute, and is subject to some limitations; and that, at some point, the state interests as to protection of health, medical standards, and prenatal life, become dominant. We agree with this approach.

Where certain “fundamental rights” are involved, the Court has held that regulation limiting these rights may be justified only by a “compelling state interest,” Kramer v. Union Free School District, 395 U.S. 621, 627 (1969); Shapiro v. Thompson, 394 U.S. 618, 634 (1969), Sherbert v. Verner, 374 U.S. 398, 406 (1963), and that legislative enactments must be narrowly drawn to express only the legitimate state interests at stake. Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. at 485; Aptheker v. Secretary of State, 378 U.S. 500, 508 (1964); Cantwell v. Connecticut, 310 U.S. 296, 307-308 (1940); see [p156] Eisenstadt v. Baird, 405 U.S. at 460, 463-464 (WHITE, J., concurring in result).

In the recent abortion cases cited above, courts have recognized these principles. Those striking down state laws have generally scrutinized the State’s interests in protecting health and potential life, and have concluded that neither interest justified broad limitations on the reasons for which a physician and his pregnant patient might decide that she should have an abortion in the early stages of pregnancy. Courts sustaining state laws have held that the State’s determinations to protect health or prenatal life are dominant and constitutionally justifiable.

IX

The District Court held that the appellee failed to meet his burden of demonstrating that the Texas statute’s infringement upon Roe’s rights was necessary to support a compelling state interest, and that, although the appellee presented “several compelling justifications for state presence in the area of abortions,” the statutes outstripped these justifications and swept “far beyond any areas of compelling state interest.” 314 F.Supp. at 1222-1223. Appellant and appellee both contest that holding. Appellant, as has been indicated, claims an absolute right that bars any state imposition of criminal penalties in the area. Appellee argues that the State’s determination to recognize and protect prenatal life from and after conception constitutes a compelling state interest. As noted above, we do not agree fully with either formulation.

A. The appellee and certain amici argue that the fetus is a “person” within the language and meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment. In support of this, they outline at length and in detail the well known facts of fetal development. If this suggestion of personhood is established, the appellant’s case, of course, collapses, [p157] for the fetus’ right to life would then be guaranteed specifically by the Amendment. The appellant conceded as much on reargument. [n51] On the other hand, the appellee conceded on reargument [n52] that no case could be cited that holds that a fetus is a person within the meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment.

The Constitution does not define “person” in so many words. Section 1 of the Fourteenth Amendment contains three references to “person.” The first, in defining “citizens,” speaks of “persons born or naturalized in the United States.” The word also appears both in the Due Process Clause and in the Equal Protection Clause. “Person” is used in other places in the Constitution: in the listing of qualifications for Representatives and Senators, Art. I, § 2, cl. 2, and § 3, cl. 3; in the Apportionment Clause, Art. I, § 2, cl. 3; [n53] in the Migration and Importation provision, Art. I, § 9, cl. 1; in the Emolument Clause, Art. I, § 9, cl. 8; in the Electors provisions, Art. II, § 1, cl. 2, and the superseded cl. 3; in the provision outlining qualifications for the office of President, Art. II, § 1, cl. 5; in the Extradition provisions, Art. IV, § 2, cl. 2, and the superseded Fugitive Slave Clause 3; and in the Fifth, Twelfth, and Twenty-second Amendments, as well as in §§ 2 and 3 of the Fourteenth Amendment. But in nearly all these instances, the use of the word is such that it has application only post-natally. None indicates, with any assurance, that it has any possible pre-natal application. [n54] [p158]

All this, together with our observation, supra, that, throughout the major portion of the 19th century, prevailing legal abortion practices were far freer than they are today, persuades us that the word “person,” as used in the Fourteenth Amendment, does not include the unborn. [n55] This is in accord with the results reached in those few cases where the issue has been squarely presented. McGarvey v. Magee-Womens Hospital, 340 F.Supp. 751 (WD Pa.1972); Byrn v. New York City Health & Hospitals Corp., 31 N.Y.2d 194, 286 N.E.2d 887 (1972), appeal docketed, No. 72-434; Abele v. Markle, 351 F.Supp. 224 (Conn.1972), appeal docketed, No. 72-730. Cf. Cheaney v. State, ___ Ind. at ___, 285 N.E.2d at 270; Montana v. Rogers, 278 F.2d 68, 72 (CA7 1960), aff’d sub nom. Montana v. Kennedy, 366 U.S. 308 (1961); Keeler v. Superior Court, 2 Cal.3d 619, 470 P.2d 617 (1970); State v. Dickinson, 28 [p159] Ohio St.2d 65, 275 N.E.2d 599 (1971). Indeed, our decision in United States v. Vuitch, 402 U.S. 62 (1971), inferentially is to the same effect, for we there would not have indulged in statutory interpretation favorable to abortion in specified circumstances if the necessary consequence was the termination of life entitled to Fourteenth Amendment protection.

This conclusion, however, does not of itself fully answer the contentions raised by Texas, and we pass on to other considerations.

B. The pregnant woman cannot be isolated in her privacy. She carries an embryo and, later, a fetus, if one accepts the medical definitions of the developing young in the human uterus. See Dorland’s Illustrated Medical Dictionary 478-479, 547 (24th ed.1965). The situation therefore is inherently different from marital intimacy, or bedroom possession of obscene material, or marriage, or procreation, or education, with which Eisenstadt and Griswold, Stanley, Loving, Skinner, and Pierce and Meyer were respectively concerned. As we have intimated above, it is reasonable and appropriate for a State to decide that, at some point in time another interest, that of health of the mother or that of potential human life, becomes significantly involved. The woman’s privacy is no longer sole and any right of privacy she possesses must be measured accordingly.

Texas urges that, apart from the Fourteenth Amendment, life begins at conception and is present throughout pregnancy, and that, therefore, the State has a compelling interest in protecting that life from and after conception. We need not resolve the difficult question of when life begins. When those trained in the respective disciplines of medicine, philosophy, and theology are unable to arrive at any consensus, the judiciary, at this point in the development of man’s knowledge, is not in a position to speculate as to the answer. [p160]

It should be sufficient to note briefly the wide divergence of thinking on this most sensitive and difficult question. There has always been strong support for the view that life does not begin until live’ birth. This was the belief of the Stoics. [n56] It appears to be the predominant, though not the unanimous, attitude of the Jewish faith. [n57] It may be taken to represent also the position of a large segment of the Protestant community, insofar as that can be ascertained; organized groups that have taken a formal position on the abortion issue have generally regarded abortion as a matter for the conscience of the individual and her family. [n58] As we have noted, the common law found greater significance in quickening. Physician and their scientific colleagues have regarded that event with less interest and have tended to focus either upon conception, upon live birth, or upon the interim point at which the fetus becomes “viable,” that is, potentially able to live outside the mother’s womb, albeit with artificial aid. [n59] Viability is usually placed at about seven months (28 weeks) but may occur earlier, even at 24 weeks. [n60] The Aristotelian theory of “mediate animation,” that held sway throughout the Middle Ages and the Renaissance in Europe, continued to be official Roman Catholic dogma until the 19th century, despite opposition to this “ensoulment” theory from those in the Church who would recognize the existence of life from [p161] the moment of conception. [n61] The latter is now, of course, the official belief of the Catholic Church. As one brief amicus discloses, this is a view strongly held by many non-Catholics as well, and by many physicians. Substantial problems for precise definition of this view are posed, however, by new embryological data that purport to indicate that conception is a “process” over time, rather than an event, and by new medical techniques such as menstrual extraction, the “morning-after” pill, implantation of embryos, artificial insemination, and even artificial wombs. [n62]

In areas other than criminal abortion, the law has been reluctant to endorse any theory that life, as we recognize it, begins before live birth, or to accord legal rights to the unborn except in narrowly defined situations and except when the rights are contingent upon live birth. For example, the traditional rule of tort law denied recovery for prenatal injuries even though the child was born alive. [n63] That rule has been changed in almost every jurisdiction. In most States, recovery is said to be permitted only if the fetus was viable, or at least quick, when the injuries were sustained, though few [p162] courts have squarely so held. [n64] In a recent development, generally opposed by the commentators, some States permit the parents of a stillborn child to maintain an action for wrongful death because of prenatal injuries. [n65] Such an action, however, would appear to be one to vindicate the parents’ interest and is thus consistent with the view that the fetus, at most, represents only the potentiality of life. Similarly, unborn children have been recognized as acquiring rights or interests by way of inheritance or other devolution of property, and have been represented by guardians ad litem. [n66] Perfection of the interests involved, again, has generally been contingent upon live birth. In short, the unborn have never been recognized in the law as persons in the whole sense.

X

In view of all this, we do not agree that, by adopting one theory of life, Texas may override the rights of the pregnant woman that are at stake. We repeat, however, that the State does have an important and legitimate interest in preserving and protecting the health of the pregnant woman, whether she be a resident of the State or a nonresident who seeks medical consultation and treatment there, and that it has still another important and legitimate interest in protecting the potentiality of human life. These interests are separate and distinct. Each grows in substantiality as the woman approaches [p163] term and, at a point during pregnancy, each becomes “compelling.”

With respect to the State’s important and legitimate interest in the health of the mother, the “compelling” point, in the light of present medical knowledge, is at approximately the end of the first trimester. This is so because of the now-established medical fact, referred to above at 149, that, until the end of the first trimester mortality in abortion may be less than mortality in normal childbirth. It follows that, from and after this point, a State may regulate the abortion procedure to the extent that the regulation reasonably relates to the preservation and protection of maternal health. Examples of permissible state regulation in this area are requirements as to the qualifications of the person who is to perform the abortion; as to the licensure of that person; as to the facility in which the procedure is to be performed, that is, whether it must be a hospital or may be a clinic or some other place of less-than-hospital status; as to the licensing of the facility; and the like.

This means, on the other hand, that, for the period of pregnancy prior to this “compelling” point, the attending physician, in consultation with his patient, is free to determine, without regulation by the State, that, in his medical judgment, the patient’s pregnancy should be terminated. If that decision is reached, the judgment may be effectuated by an abortion free of interference by the State.

With respect to the State’s important and legitimate interest in potential life, the “compelling” point is at viability. This is so because the fetus then presumably has the capability of meaningful life outside the mother’s womb. State regulation protective of fetal life after viability thus has both logical and biological justifications. If the State is interested in protecting fetal life after viability, it may go so far as to proscribe abortion [p164] during that period, except when it is necessary to preserve the life or health of the mother.

Measured against these standards, Art. 1196 of the Texas Penal Code, in restricting legal abortions to those “procured or attempted by medical advice for the purpose of saving the life of the mother,” sweeps too broadly. The statute makes no distinction between abortions performed early in pregnancy and those performed later, and it limits to a single reason, “saving” the mother’s life, the legal justification for the procedure. The statute, therefore, cannot survive the constitutional attack made upon it here.

This conclusion makes it unnecessary for us to consider the additional challenge to the Texas statute asserted on grounds of vagueness. See United States v. Vuitch, 402 U.S. at 67-72.

XI

To summarize and to repeat:

1. A state criminal abortion statute of the current Texas type, that excepts from criminality only a lifesaving procedure on behalf of the mother, without regard to pregnancy stage and without recognition of the other interests involved, is violative of the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.

(a) For the stage prior to approximately the end of the first trimester, the abortion decision and its effectuation must be left to the medical judgment of the pregnant woman’s attending physician.

(b) For the stage subsequent to approximately the end of the first trimester, the State, in promoting its interest in the health of the mother, may, if it chooses, regulate the abortion procedure in ways that are reasonably related to maternal health.

(c) For the stage subsequent to viability, the State in promoting its interest in the potentiality of human life [p165] may, if it chooses, regulate, and even proscribe, abortion except where it is necessary, in appropriate medical judgment, for the preservation of the life or health of the mother.

2. The State may define the term “physician,” as it has been employed in the preceding paragraphs of this Part XI of this opinion, to mean only a physician currently licensed by the State, and may proscribe any abortion by a person who is not a physician as so defined.

In Doe v. Bolton, post, p. 179, procedural requirements contained in one of the modern abortion statutes are considered. That opinion and this one, of course, are to be read together. [n67]

This holding, we feel, is consistent with the relative weights of the respective interests involved, with the lessons and examples of medical and legal history, with the lenity of the common law, and with the demands of the profound problems of the present day. The decision leaves the State free to place increasing restrictions on abortion as the period of pregnancy lengthens, so long as those restrictions are tailored to the recognized state interests. The decision vindicates the right of the physician to administer medical treatment according to his professional judgment up to the points where important [p166] state interests provide compelling justifications for intervention. Up to those points, the abortion decision in all its aspects is inherently, and primarily, a medical decision, and basic responsibility for it must rest with the physician. If an individual practitioner abuses the privilege of exercising proper medical judgment, the usual remedies, judicial and intra-professional, are available.

XII

Our conclusion that Art. 1196 is unconstitutional means, of course, that the Texas abortion statutes, as a unit, must fall. The exception of Art. 1196 cannot be struck down separately, for then the State would be left with a statute proscribing all abortion procedures no matter how medically urgent the case.

Although the District Court granted appellant Roe declaratory relief, it stopped short of issuing an injunction against enforcement of the Texas statutes. The Court has recognized that different considerations enter into a federal court’s decision as to declaratory relief, on the one hand, and injunctive relief, on the other. Zwickler v. Koota, 389 U.S. 241, 252-255 (1967); Dombrowski v. Pfister, 380 U.S. 479 (1965). We are not dealing with a statute that, on its face, appears to abridge free expression, an area of particular concern under Dombrowski and refined in Younger v. Harris, 401 U.S. at 50.

We find it unnecessary to decide whether the District Court erred in withholding injunctive relief, for we assume the Texas prosecutorial authorities will give full credence to this decision that the present criminal abortion statutes of that State are unconstitutional.

The judgment of the District Court as to intervenor Hallford is reversed, and Dr. Hallford’s complaint in intervention is dismissed. In all other respects, the judgment [p167] of the District Court is affirmed. Costs are allowed to the appellee.

It is so ordered.

[For concurring opinion of MR. CHIEF JUSTICE BURGER, see post, p. 207.]

[For concurring opinion of MR. JUSTICE DOUGLAS, see post, p. 209.]

[For dissenting opinion of MR. JUSTICE WHITE, see post, p. 221.]

1.

Article 1191. Abortion

If any person shall designedly administer to a pregnant woman or knowingly procure to be administered with her consent any drug or medicine, or shall use towards her any violence or means whatever externally or internally applied, and thereby procure an abortion, he shall be confined in the penitentiary not less than two nor more than five years; if it be done without her consent, the punishment shall be doubled. By “abortion” is meant that the life of the fetus or embryo shall be destroyed in the woman’s womb or that a premature birth thereof be caused.

Art. 1192. Furnishing the means

Whoever furnishes the means for procuring an abortion knowing the purpose intended is guilty as an accomplice.

Art. 1193. Attempt at abortion

If the means used shall fail to produce an abortion, the offender is nevertheless guilty of an attempt to produce abortion, provided it be shown that such means were calculated to produce that result, and shall be fined not less than one hundred nor more than one thousand dollars.

Art. 1194. Murder in producing abortion

If the death of the mother is occasioned by an abortion so produced or by an attempt to effect the same it is murder.

Art. 1196. By medical advice

Nothing in this chapter applies to an abortion procured or attempted by medical advice for the purpose of saving the life of the mother.

The foregoing Articles, together with Art. 1195, compose Chapter 9 of Title 15 of the Penal Code. Article 1195, not attacked here, reads:

Art. 1195. Destroying unborn child

Whoever shall during parturition of the mother destroy the vitality or life in a child in a state of being born and before actual birth, which child would otherwise have been born alive, shall be confined in the penitentiary for life or for not less than five years.

2. Ariz.Rev.Stat.Ann. § 13-211 (1956); Conn.Pub. Act No. 1 (May 1972 special session) (in 4 Conn.Leg.Serv. 677 (1972)), and Conn.Gen.Stat.Rev. §§ 53-29, 53-30 (1968) (or unborn child); Idaho Code § 18-601 (1948); Ill.Rev.Stat., c. 38, § 23-1 (1971); Ind.Code § 35-1-58-1 (1971); Iowa Code § 701.1 (1971); Ky.Rev.Stat. § 436.020 (1962); La.Rev.Stat. § 37: 1285(6) (1964) (loss of medical license) (but see § 14:87 (Supp. 1972) containing no exception for the life of the mother under the criminal statute); Me.Rev.Stat. Ann, Tit. 17, § 51 (1964); Mass.Gen.Laws Ann., c. 272, § 19 (1970) (using the term “unlawfully,” construed to exclude an abortion to save the mother’s life, Kudish v. Bd. of Registration, 356 Mass. 98, 248 N.E.2d 264 (1969)); Mich.Comp.Laws § 750.14 (1948); Minn.Stat. § 617.18 (1971); Mo.Rev.Stat. § 559.100 (1969); Mont.Rev.Codes Ann. § 94-401 (1969); Neb.Rev.Stat. § 28-405 (1964); Nev.Rev.Stat. § 200.220 (1967); N.H.Rev.Stat.Ann. § 585: 13 (1955); N.J.Stat.Ann. § 2A:87-1 (1969) (“without lawful justification”); N.D.Cent.Code §§ 12-25-01, 12-25-02 (1960); Ohio Rev.Code Ann. § 2901.16 (1953); Okla.Stat.Ann., Tit. 21, § 861 (1972-1973 Supp.); Pa.Stat.Ann., Tit. 18, §§ 4718, 4719 (1963) (“unlawful”); R.I.Gen.Laws Ann. § 11-3-1 (1969); S.D.Comp.Laws Ann. § 22-17-1 (1967); Tenn.Code Ann. §§ 39-301, 39-302 (1956); Utah Code Ann. §§ 76-2-1, 76-2-2 (1953); Vt.Stat.Ann., Tit. 13, § 101 (1958); W.Va.Code Ann. § 61-2-8 (1966); Wis.Stat. § 940.04 (1969); Wyo.Stat.Ann. §§ 6-77, 6-78 (1957).

3. Long ago, a suggestion was made that the Texas statutes were unconstitutionally vague because of definitional deficiencies. The Texas Court of Criminal Appeals disposed of that suggestion peremptorily, saying only,

It is also insisted in the motion in arrest of judgment that the statute is unconstitutional and void in that it does not sufficiently define or describe the offense of abortion. We do not concur in respect to this question.

Jackson v. State, 55 Tex.Cr.R. 79, 89, 115 S.W. 262, 268 (1908). The same court recently has held again that the State’s abortion statutes are not unconstitutionally vague or overbroad. Thompson v. State (Ct.Crim.App. Tex.1971), appeal docketed, No. 71-1200. The court held that “the State of Texas has a compelling interest to protect fetal life”; that Art. 1191 “is designed to protect fetal life”; that the Texas homicide statutes, particularly Art. 1205 of the Penal Code, are intended to protect a person “in existence by actual birth,” and thereby implicitly recognize other human life that is not “in existence by actual birth”; that the definition of human life is for the legislature and not the courts; that Art. 1196 “is more definite than the District of Columbia statute upheld in [United States v.] Vuitch” (402 U.S. 62); and that the Texas statute “is not vague and indefinite or overbroad.” A physician’s abortion conviction was affirmed.

In Thompson, n. 2, the court observed that any issue as to the burden of proof under the exemption of Art. 1196 “is not before us.” But see Veevers v. State, 172 Tex.Cr.R. 162, 168-169, 354 S.W.2d 161, 166-167 (1962). Cf. United States v. Vuitch, 402 U.S. 62, 69-71 (1971).

4. The name is a pseudonym.

5. These names are pseudonyms.

6. The appellee twice states in his brief that the hearing before the District Court was held on July 22, 1970. Brief for Appellee 13. The docket entries,App. 2, and the transcript, App. 76, reveal this to be an error. The July date appears to be the time of the reporter’s transcription. See App. 77.

7. We need not consider what different result, if any, would follow if Dr. Hallford’s intervention were on behalf of a class. His complaint in intervention does not purport to assert a class suit, and makes no reference to any class apart from an allegation that he “and others similarly situated” must necessarily guess at the meaning of Art. 1196. His application for leave to intervene goes somewhat further, for it asserts that plaintiff Roe does not adequately protect the interest of the doctor “and the class of people who are physicians . . . [and] the class of people who are . . . patients. . . .” The leave application, however, is not the complaint. Despite the District Court’s statement to the contrary, 314 F.Supp. at 1225, we fail to perceive the essentials of a class suit in the Hallford complaint.

8. A. Castiglioni, A History of Medicine 84 (2d ed.1947), E. Krumbhaar, translator and editor (hereinafter Castiglioni).

9. J. Ricci, The Genealogy of Gynaecology 52, 84, 113, 149 (2d ed.1950) (hereinafter Ricci); L. Lader, Abortion 75-77 (1966) (hereinafter Lader), K. Niswander, Medical Abortion Practices in the United States, in Abortion and the Law 37, 38-40 (D. Smith ed.1967); G. Williams, The Sanctity of Life and the Criminal Law 148 (1957) (hereinafter Williams); J. Noonan, An Almost Absolute Value in History, in The Morality of Abortion 1, 3-7 (J. Noonan ed.1970) (hereinafter Noonan); Quay, Justifiable Abortion — Medical and Legal Foundations (pt. 2), 49 Geo.L.J. 395, 40622 (1961) (hereinafter Quay).

10. L. Edelstein, The Hippocratic Oath 10 (1943) (hereinafter Edelstein). But see Castiglioni 227.

11. Edelstein 12; Ricci 113-114, 118-119; Noonan 5.

12. Edelstein 13-14

13. Castiglioni 148.

14. Id. at 154.

15. Edelstein 3.

16. Id. at 12, 15-18.

17. Id. at 18; Lader 76.

18. Edelstein 63.

19. Id. at 64.

20. Dorand’s Illustrated Medical Dictionary 1261 (24th ed.1965).

21. E. Coke, Institutes III *50; 1 W. Hawkins, Pleas of the Crown, c. 31, § 16 (4th ed. 1762); 1 W. Blackstone, Commentaries *129-130; M. Hale, Pleas of the Crown 433 (1st Amer. ed. 1847). For discussions of the role of the quickening concept in English common law, see Lader 78; Noonan 223-226; Means, The Law of New York Concerning Abortion and the Status of the Foetus, 1664-1968: A Case of Cessation of Constitutionality (pt. 1), 14 N.Y.L.F. 411, 418-428 (1968) (hereinafter Means I); Stern, Abortion: Reform and the Law, 59 J.Crim.L.C. & P.S. 84 (1968) (hereinafter Stern); Quay 430-432; Williams 152.

22. Early philosophers believed that the embryo or fetus did not become formed and begin to live until at least 40 days after conception for a male and 80 to 90 days for a female. See, for example, Aristotle, Hist.Anim. 7.3.583b; Gen.Anim. 2.3.736, 2.5.741; Hippocrates, Lib. de Nat.Puer., No. 10. Aristotle’s thinking derived from his three-stage theory of life: vegetable, animal, rational. The vegetable stage was reached at conception, the animal at “animation,” and the rational soon after live birth. This theory, together with the 40/80 day view, came to be accepted by early Christian thinkers.

The theological debate was reflected in the writings of St. Augustine, who made a distinction between embryo inanimatus, not yet endowed with a soul, and embryo animatus. He may have drawn upon Exodus 21:22. At one point, however, he expressed the view that human powers cannot determine the point during fetal development at which the critical change occurs. See Augustine, De Origine Animae 4.4 (Pub.Law 44.527). See also W. Reany, The Creation of the Human Soul, c. 2 and 83-86 (1932); Huser, The Crime of Abortion in Canon Law 15 (Catholic Univ. of America, Canon Law Studies No. 162, Washington, D.C.1942).

Galen, in three treatises related to embryology, accepted the thinking of Aristotle and his followers. Quay 426-427. Later, Augustine on abortion was incorporated by Gratian into the Decretum, published about 1140. Decretum Magistri Gratiani 2.32.2.7 to 2.32.2.10, in 1 Corpus Juris Canonici 1122, 1123 (A. Friedburg, 2d ed. 1879). This Decretal and the Decretals that followed were recognized as the definitive body of canon law until the new Code of 1917.

For discussions of the canon law treatment, see Means I, pp. 411-412; Noonan 20-26; Quay 426-430; see also J. Noonan, Contraception: A History of Its Treatment by the Catholic Theologians and Canonists 18-29 (1965).

23. Bracton took the position that abortion by blow or poison was homicide “if the foetus be already formed and animated, and particularly if it be animated.” 2 H. Bracton, De Legibus et Consuetudinibus Angliae 279 (T. Twiss ed. 1879), or, as a later translation puts it, “if the foetus is already formed or quickened, especially if it is quickened,” 2 H. Bracton, On the Laws and Customs of England 341 (S. Thorne ed.1968). See Quay 431; see also 2 Fleta 661 (Book 1, c. 23) (Selden Society ed.1955).

24. E. Coke, Institutes III *50.

25. 1 W. Blackstone, Commentaries *129-130.

26. Means, The Phoenix of Abortional Freedom: Is a Penumbral or Ninth-Amendment Right About to Arise from the Nineteenth Century Legislative Ashes of a Fourteenth Century Common Law Liberty?, 17 N.Y.L.F. 335 (1971) (hereinafter Means II). The author examines the two principal precedents cited marginally by Coke, both contrary to his dictum, and traces the treatment of these and other cases by earlier commentators. He concludes that Coke, who himself participated as an advocate in an abortion case in 1601, may have intentionally misstated the law. The author even suggests a reason: Coke’s strong feelings against abortion, coupled with his determination to assert common law (secular) jurisdiction to assess penalties for an offense that traditionally had been an exclusively ecclesiastical or canon law crime. See also Lader 78-79, who notes that some scholars doubt that the common law ever was applied to abortion; that the English ecclesiastical courts seem to have lost interest in the problem after 1527; and that the preamble to the English legislation of 1803, 43 Geo. 3, c. 58, § 1, referred to in the text, infra at 136, states that “no adequate means have been hitherto provided for the prevention and punishment of such offenses.”

27. Commonwealth v. Bangs, 9 Mass. 387, 388 (1812); Commonwealth v. Parker, 50 Mass. (9 Metc.) 263, 265-266 (1845); State v. Cooper, 22 N.J.L. 52, 58 (1849); Abrams v. Foshee, 3 Iowa 274, 278-280 (1856); Smith v. Gaffard, 31 Ala. 45, 51 (1857); Mitchell v. Commonwealth, 78 Ky. 204, 210 (1879); Eggart v. State, 40 Fla. 527, 532, 25 So. 144, 145 (1898); State v. Alcorn, 7 Idaho 599, 606, 64 P. 1014, 1016 (1901); Edwards v. State, 79 Neb. 251, 252, 112 N.W. 611, 612 (1907); Gray v. State, 77 Tex.Cr.R. 221, 224, 178 S.W. 337, 338 (1915); Miller v. Bennett, 190 Va. 162, 169, 56 S.E.2d 217, 221 (1949). Contra, Mills v. Commonwealth, 13 Pa. 631, 633 (1850); State v. Slagle, 83 N.C. 630, 632 (1880).

28. See Smith v. State, 33 Me. 48, 55 (1851); Evans v. People, 49 N.Y. 86, 88 (1872); Lamb v. State, 67 Md. 524, 533, 10 A. 208 (1887).

29. Conn.Stat., Tit. 20, § 14 (1821).

30. Conn.Pub. Acts, c. 71, § 1 (1860).

31. N.Y.Rev.Stat., pt. 4, c. 1, Tit. 2, Art. 1, § 9, p. 661, and Tit. 6, § 21, p. 694 (1829).

32. Act of Jan. 20, 1840, § 1, set forth in 2 H. Gammel, Laws of Texas 177-178 (1898); see Grigsby v. Reib, 105 Tex. 597, 600, 153 S.W. 1124, 1125 (1913).

33. The early statutes are discussed in Quay 435-438. See also Lader 85-88; Stern 85-86; and Means II 37376.

34. Criminal abortion statutes in effect in the States as of 1961, together with historical statutory development and important judicial interpretations of the state statutes, are cited and quoted in Quay 447-520. See Comment, A Survey of the Present Statutory and Case Law on Abortion: The Contradictions and the Problems, 1972 U.Ill.L.F. 177, 179, classifying the abortion statutes and listing 25 States as permitting abortion only if necessary to save or preserve the mother’s life.

35. Ala.Code, Tit. 14, § 9 (1958); D.C.Code Ann. § 22-201 (1967).

36. Mass.Gen.Laws Ann., c. 272, § 19 (1970); N.J.Stat.Ann. § 2A: 87-1 (1969); Pa.Stat.Ann., Tit. 18, §§ 4718, 4719 (1963).

37. Fourteen States have adopted some form of the ALI statute. See Ark.Stat.Ann. §§ 41-303 to 41-310 (Supp. 1971); Calif.Health & Safety Code §§ 25950-25955.5 (Supp. 1972); Colo.Rev.Stat.Ann. §§ 40-2-50 to 40-2-53 (Cum.Supp. 1967); Del.Code Ann., Tit. 24, §§ 1790-1793 (Supp. 1972); Florida Law of Apr. 13, 1972, c. 72-196, 1972 Fla.Sess.Law Serv., pp. 380-382; Ga.Code §§ 26-1201 to 26-1203 (1972); Kan.Stat.Ann. § 21-3407 (Supp. 1971); Md.Ann.Code, Art. 43, §§ 137-139 (1971); Miss.Code Ann. § 2223 (Supp. 1972); N.M.Stat.Ann. §§ 40A-5-1 to 40A-5-3 (1972); N.C.Gen.Stat. § 14-45.1 (Supp. 1971); Ore.Rev.Stat. §§ 435.405 to 435.495 (1971); S.C.Code Ann. §§ 16-82 to 16-89 (1962 and Supp. 1971); Va.Code Ann. §§ 18.1-62 to 18.1-62.3 (Supp. 1972). Mr. Justice Clark described some of these States as having “led the way.” Religion, Morality, and Abortion: A Constitutional Appraisal, 2 Loyola U. (L.A.) L.Rev. 1, 11 (1969).

By the end of 1970, four other States had repealed criminal penalties for abortions performed in early pregnancy by a licensed physician, subject to stated procedural and health requirements. Alaska Stat. § 11.15.060 (1970); Haw.Rev.Stat. § 453-16 (Supp. 1971); N.Y.Penal Code § 125.05, subd. 3 (Supp. 1972-1973); Wash.Rev.Code §§ 9.02.060 to 9.02.080 (Supp. 1972). The precise status of criminal abortion laws in some States is made unclear by recent decisions in state and federal courts striking down existing state laws, in whole or in part.

38.

Whereas, Abortion, like any other medical procedure, should not be performed when contrary to the best interests of the patient since good medical practice requires due consideration for the patient’s welfare, and not mere acquiescence to the patient’s demand; and

Whereas, The standards of sound clinical judgment, which, together with informed patient consent, should be determinative according to the merits of each individual case; therefore be it

RESOLVED, That abortion is a medical procedure and should be performed only by a duly licensed physician and surgeon in an accredited hospital acting only after consultation with two other physicians chosen because of their professional competency and in conformance with standards of good medical practice and the Medical Practice Act of his State; and be it further

RESOLVED, That no physician or other professional personnel shall be compelled to perform any act which violates his good medical judgment. Neither physician, hospital, nor hospital personnel shall be required to perform any act violative of personally held moral principles. In these circumstances, good medical practice requires only that the physician or other professional personnel withdraw from the case so long as the withdrawal is consistent with good medical practice.

Proceedings of the AMA House of Delegates 220 (June 1970).

39.

The Principles of Medical Ethics of the AMA do not prohibit a physician from performing an abortion that is performed in accordance with good medical practice and under circumstances that do not violate the laws of the community in which he practices.

In the matter of abortions, as of any other medical procedure, the Judicial Council becomes involved whenever there is alleged violation of the Principles of Medical Ethics as established by the House of Delegates.

40.

UNIFORM ABORTION ACT

SECTION 1. [Abortion Defined; When Authorized.]

(a) “Abortion” means the termination of human pregnancy with an intention other than to produce a live birth or to remove a dead fetus.

(b) An abortion may be performed in this state only if it is performed:

(1) by a physician licensed to practice medicine [or osteopathy] in this state or by a physician practicing medicine [or osteopathy] in the employ of the government of the United States or of this state, [and the abortion is performed] [in the physician’s office or in a medical clinic, or] in a hospital approved by the [Department of Health] or operated by the United States, this state, or any department, agency, [or political subdivision of either;] or by a female upon herself upon the advice of the physician; and

(2) within [20] weeks after the commencement of the pregnancy [or after [20] weeks only if the physician has reasonable cause to believe (i) there is a substantial risk that continuance of the pregnancy would endanger the life of the mother or would gravely impair the physical or mental health of the mother, (ii) that the child would be born with grave physical or mental defect, or (iii) that the pregnancy resulted from rape or incest, or illicit intercourse with a girl under the age of 16 years].

SECTION 2. [Penalty.] Any person who performs or procures an abortion other than authorized by this Act is guilty of a [felony] and, upon conviction thereof, may be sentenced to pay a fine not exceeding [$1,000] or to imprisonment [in the state penitentiary] not exceeding [5 years], or both.

SECTION 3. [Uniformity of Interpretation.] This Act shall be construed to effectuate its general purpose to make uniform the law with respect to the subject of this Act among those states which enact it.

SECTION 4. [Short Title.] This Act may be cited as the Uniform Abortion Act.

SECTION 5. [Severability.] If any provision of this Act or the application thereof to any person or circumstance is held invalid, the invalidity does not affect other provisions or applications of this Act which can be given effect without the invalid provision or application, and to this end the provisions of this Act are severable.

SECTION 6. [Repeal.] The following acts and parts of acts are repealed:

(1)

(2)

(3)

SECTION 7. [Time of Taking Effect.] This Act shall take effect _________.

41.

This Act is based largely upon the New York abortion act following a review of the more recent laws on abortion in several states and upon recognition of a more liberal trend in laws on this subject. Recognition was given also to the several decisions in state and federal courts which show a further trend toward liberalization of abortion laws, especially during the first trimester of pregnancy.

Recognizing that a number of problems appeared in New York, a shorter time period for “unlimited” abortions was advisable. The time period was bracketed to permit the various states to insert a figure more in keeping with the different conditions that might exist among the states. Likewise, the language limiting the place or places in which abortions may be performed was also bracketed to account for different conditions among the states. In addition, limitations on abortions after the initial “unlimited” period were placed in brackets so that individual states may adopt all or any of these reasons, or place further restrictions upon abortions after the initial period.

This Act does not contain any provision relating to medical review committees or prohibitions against sanctions imposed upon medical personnel refusing to participate in abortions because of religious or other similar reasons, or the like. Such provisions, while related, do not directly pertain to when, where, or by whom abortions may be performed; however, the Act is not drafted to exclude such a provision by a state wishing to enact the same.

42. See, for example, YWCA v. Kugler, 342 F.Supp. 1048, 1074 (N.J.1972); Abele v. Markle, 342 F.Supp. 800, 805-806 (Conn.1972) (Newman, J., concurring in result), appeal docketed, No. 72-56; Walsingham v. State, 250 So.2d 857, 863 (Ervin, J., concurring) (Fla.1971); State v. Gedicke, 43 N.J.L. 86, 90 (1881); Means II 381-382.

43. See C. Haagensen & W. Lloyd, A Hundred Years of Medicine 19 (1943).

44. Potts, Postconceptive Control of Fertility, 8 Int’l J. of G. & O. 957, 967 (1970) (England and Wales); Abortion Mortality, 20 Morbidity and Mortality 208, 209 (June 12, 1971) (U.S. Dept. of HEW, Public Health Service) (New York City); Tietze, United States: Therapeutic Abortions, 1963-1968, 59 Studies in Family Planning 5, 7 (1970); Tietze, Mortality with Contraception and Induced Abortion, 45 Studies in Family Planning 6 (1969) (Japan, Czechoslovakia, Hungary); Tietze Lehfeldt, Legal Abortion in Eastern Europe, 175 J.A.M.A. 1149, 1152 (April 1961). Other sources are discussed in Lader 17-23.

45. See Brief of Amicus National Right to Life Committee; R. Drinan, The Inviolability of the Right to Be Born, in Abortion and the Law 107 (D. Smith ed.1967); Louisell, Abortion, The Practice of Medicine and the Due Process of Law, 16 U.C.L.A.L.Rev. 233 (1969); Noonan 1.

46. See, e.g., Abele v. Markle, 342 F.Supp. 800 (Conn.1972), appeal docketed, No. 72-56.

47. See discussions in Means I and Means II.

48. See, e.g., State v. Murphy, 27 N.J.L. 112, 114 (1858).

49. Watson v. State, 9 Tex.App. 237, 244-245 (1880); Moore v. State, 37 Tex. Cr.R. 552, 561, 40 S.W. 287, 290 (1897); Shaw v. State, 73 Tex.Cr.R. 337, 339, 165 S.W. 930, 931 (1914); Fondren v. State, 74 Tex.Cr.R. 552, 557, 169 S.W. 411, 414 (1914); Gray v. State, 77 Tex.Cr.R. 221, 229, 178 S.W. 337, 341 (1915). There is no immunity in Texas for the father who is not married to the mother. Hammett v. State, 84 Tex.Cr.R. 635, 209 S.W. 661 (1919); Thompson v. State (Ct.Crim.App. Tex.1971), appeal docketed, No. 71-1200.

50. See Smith v. State, 33 Me. at 55; In re Vince, 2 N.J. 443, 450, 67 A.2d 141, 144 (1949). A short discussion of the modern law on this issue is contained in the Comment to the ALI’s Model Penal Code § 207.11, at 158 and nn. 35-37 (Tent.Draft No. 9, 1959).

51. Tr. of Oral Rearg. 20-21.

52. Tr. of Oral Rearg. 24.

53. We are not aware that in the taking of any census under this clause, a fetus has ever been counted.

54. When Texas urges that a fetus is entitled to Fourteenth Amendment protection as a person, it faces a dilemma. Neither in Texas nor in any other State are all abortions prohibited. Despite broad proscription, an exception always exists. The exception contained in Art. 1196, for an abortion procured or attempted by medical advice for the purpose of saving the life of the mother, is typical. But if the fetus is a person who is not to be deprived of life without due process of law, and if the mother’s condition is the sole determinant, does not the Texas exception appear to be out of line with the Amendment’s command?

There are other inconsistencies between Fourteenth Amendment status and the typical abortion statute. It has already been pointed out, n. 49, supra, that, in Texas, the woman is not a principal or an accomplice with respect to an abortion upon her. If the fetus is a person, why is the woman not a principal or an accomplice? Further, the penalty for criminal abortion specified by Art. 1195 is significantly less than the maximum penalty for murder prescribed by Art. 1257 of the Texas Penal Code. If the fetus is a person, may the penalties be different?

55. Cf. the Wisconsin abortion statute, defining “unborn child” to mean “a human being from the time of conception until it is born alive,” Wis.Stat. § 940.04(6) (1969), and the new Connecticut statute, Pub.Act No. 1 (May 1972 special session), declaring it to be the public policy of the State and the legislative intent “to protect and preserve human life from the moment of conception.”

56. Edelstein 16.

57. Lader 97-99; D. Feldman, Birth Control in Jewish Law 251-294 (1968). For a stricter view, see I. Jakobovits, Jewish Views on Abortion, in Abortion and the Law 124 (D. Smith ed.1967).

58. Amicus Brief for the American Ethical Union et al. For the position of the National Council of Churches and of other denominations, see Lader 99-101.

59. Hellman & J. Pritchard, Williams Obstetrics 493 (14th ed.1971); Dorland’s Illustrated Medical Dictionary 1689 (24th ed.1965).

60. Hellman & Pritchard, supra, n. 59, at 493.

61. For discussions of the development of the Roman Catholic position, see D. Callahan, Abortion: Law, Choice, and Morality 409-447 (1970); Noonan 1.

62. See Brodie, The New Biology and the Prenatal Child, 9 J.Family L. 391, 397 (1970); Gorney, The New Biology and the Future of Man, 15 U.C.L.A.L.Rev. 273 (1968); Note, Criminal Law — Abortion — The “Morning-After Pill” and Other Pre-Implantation Birth-Control Methods and the Law, 46 Ore.L.Rev. 211 (1967); G. Taylor, The Biological Time Bomb 32 (1968); A. Rosenfeld, The Second Genesis 138-139 (1969); Smith, Through a Test Tube Darkly: Artificial Insemination and the Law, 67 Mich.L.Rev. 127 (1968); Note, Artificial Insemination and the Law, 1968 U.Ill.L.F. 203.

63. W. Prosser, The Law of Torts 335-338 (4th ed.1971); 2 F. Harper & F. James, The Law of Torts 1028-1031 (1956); Note, 63 Harv.L.Rev. 173 (1949).

64. See cases cited in Prosser, supra, n. 63, at 336-338; Annotation, Action for Death of Unborn Child, 15 A.L.R.3d 992 (1967).

65. Prosser, supra, n. 63, at 338; Note, The Law and the Unborn Child: The Legal and Logical Inconsistencies, 46 Notre Dame Law. 349, 354-360 (1971).

66. Louisell, Abortion, The Practice of Medicine and the Due Process of Law, 16 U.C.L.A.L.Rev. 233, 235-238 (1969); Note, 56 Iowa L.Rev. 994, 999-1000 (1971); Note, The Law and the Unborn Child, 46 Notre Dame Law. 349, 351-354 (1971).

67. Neither in this opinion nor in Doe v. Bolton, post, p. 179, do we discuss the father’s rights, if any exist in the constitutional context, in the abortion decision. No paternal right has been asserted in either of the cases, and the Texas and the Georgia statutes on their face take no cognizance of the father. We are aware that some statutes recognize the father under certain circumstances. North Carolina, for example, N.C.Gen.Stat. § 14-45.1 (Supp. 1971), requires written permission for the abortion from the husband when the woman is a married minor, that is, when she is less than 18 years of age, 41 N.C.A.G. 489 (1971); if the woman is an unmarried minor, written permission from the parents is required. We need not now decide whether provisions of this kind are constitutional.

« Newer Posts

Blog at WordPress.com.